Political and economic transitions in Zambia and Zimbabwe since independence

Comparing Political and Social Developments in Zambia and Zimbabwe

Background Zambia came into being in 1964, after which the name was soon changed (One World Nation Online, 2021). It was done so when a South African company took over Northern Rhodesia from 1891 until the taking over of the United Kingdom in 1923. The period between the 1920s and 30s was crucial for this region since it was when the state experienced immigration and progress. It was then that Zambia was evident on the world map independently. Kenneth Kaunda was appointed the region's first president but was soon defeated by Fredrick Chiluba in 1991 (State University, no date). Fredrick belonged to the political party Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), ending the one-party rule that Kaunda had established earlier (State University, no date).
Zambia's economy heavily relied on copper, zinc, and cobalt. 75% of the export earnings were from copper and other metals trades (State University, no date). During the 1980s and 90s, the time was turbulent for Zambia as copper prices were declining, and the economy was continuously under pressure (One World Nation Online, 2021). The one-party rule was ended in 1991 as the opposition parties were seemingly harassing each other, again posing a threat to the political threat of the region (One World Nation Online, 2021).
With the new emerging party, MMD, the implementation of new economic stability programs was seen taking place, such as Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) (State University, no date). The program was meant to give strength to the declining economy of Zambia due to oil price shocks, fall in copper prices, and unvarying economic policies that were no more patently applicable in the new times of the 1970s (State University, no date). Food insecurity increased due to less income coming into the economy with the continuous contraction of the low-production systems. Political Developments in Zambia Since its independence, there has been an immense shifting of power among social groups as the legacy of colonial rule did not leave the roots of Zambia for long. Five conspicuous ethnolinguistic groupings came into being due to this influence: Bemba (comprising 43% of the entire Zambian population), Nyanja (18%), Tonga (19%), Lozi (8%), and Northwest region (12%) (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 5). The politicization of these groups and the conflicts among them that rose through movements and the intermixing of post-independence parties created a new social construction of ruling in Zambia. The ruling coalitions were formed in post-colonial Zambia, where the balance of power was the main aim of every political party.
The shift from the one-party ruling, mainly apparent from Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP), to a multi-party power balance was the latest political settlement after gaining independence from Britain (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 5). The ruling coalitions sought a 'One Zambia, one nation' narrative with which the single-party ruling was overthrown. This coalition helped bring the copper prices higher and better pay-offs to the employees, bringing the economy back to its feet and better injection of human development with greater investments in human capital.
However, the all-inclusivity narrative could not sustain itself for long when the neopatrimonialism system emerged (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 6). Personal gains and economic profits started causing friction as numerous ministries came into being, and each one thought of its benefits first. With the nationalism and establishment of 'incorporation,' where collaboration should have been the driver, the allocations were made for the dominant political groups around Zambia.
The central authority of Copperbelt was a strategy that helped colonial administration strengthen its rule within the ethnic amalgamation of the population and politics (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 6). Once MMD took over UNIP, the multi-party politics was clearly in working with central positions of authority being granted to the government officials, such as in executive, administration, social and military seats (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 6). These elite position holders were meant to help the lower level of society so that the functioning of the economic wheel could be ensured with power balance. With this authority came the decision-making of these officials on how government spending should be done in public sectors so that political prominence could be reviewed for creating public value. The horizontal cementing of the government coalitions resulted in the vertical distribution of funds for the social welfare of Zambian citizens holistically.
The elites in the government felt hesitant to look downwards first towards their followers for policy-making and detecting the needs of different social classes; rather, they looked more towards their elite peers, who they thought would support them in maintaining power and influence over the available resources. The growth of total ministries was observed from 54 in 1990 to 67 in 1998 (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 7). Although, this growth was reckoned necessary for the functional growth of the Zambian economy and responding to the tribal and ethnic balance within the authority ownership of the government. Still, the reluctance to distribute the resources systematically was palpably absent as there was fear of whether they would be positive against the present opportunities (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 7). The pressure to maintain equality and inclusivity of the ethnic composition of the government might create competition within, which is not assumed good for sustaining control.
When multi-party control was practiced under MMD, high politicization of food subsidiaries was witnessed during the 1990s and 2000s (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 8). With elitism more in urban areas of Zambia, it was inherently evident that electoral turnovers were central in determining competitive clientelism. For this reason, MMD successfully gained 95% of the seats in urban Zambia and strengthened the Patriotic Front (PF) (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 8).
PF was able to get the majority in urban Zambia which led it to electoral victory. This victory shifted many scenarios differently when compared with those in times of taking over of UNIP by MMD (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 8). The shifts in minimum wage level, relations with labor, and business policies based on the industry regulations significantly reshaped the urban working class. It could be deduced that the ruling coalition seemingly formed by PF for the urban class was opposed by those belonging to the lower class, such as mine workers. The vertical distribution of power was not satisfactory and ethnic support was distributed unevenly.
HIV and AIDS have been some of the critical social protection issues that each government has been trying to combat with their relevant policies and shrewd decision-making skills. For this matter, external factors and forces had actively supported from 1975 onwards; the social welfare regime was keenly pursued. Public Welfare Assistance Scheme (PWAS) was launched in 1950 but was subtle in its efforts; it started to work actively for those who could not meet their needs on their own and could not support themselves (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 9).
Regardless of the social development efforts that each new coming government and powers were making, they were not successful in eliminating poverty. The Zambian economy's overall growth rate was 5-6% during the 2000s, but the poverty line had not reduced to meet the expectations alongside the observed growth (Pruce and Hickey, 2017, p. 10). It seemed that national development had not been in line with true social progress, and the promises of giving money for the up-gradation of common people had gone into the pockets of the government officials themselves. The promises did not seem to be fulfilled, and the hopes raised by the pro-poor agenda were not helpful in social protection and poverty reduction. Social Developments in Zambia Social developments started taking place during the 1970s when social change ideologies were seen practically in work. Social policy is applied when social change is gauged as a crucial need for improving the lives of unfortunate members of society. Their quality of living needs to be improved with formalized ways of policy-making that would exhibit an overarching framework for the maximized benefit for society.
The same took place in Zambia when the rapid implementation of the Structural Adjustment Program was seen to overcome the devastating effects of the downfall in the economy (State University, no date). Education and health budgets were rethought with the wise decision-making of the policymakers at that time so that knowledge could empower the nation's workforce. Liberalization and privatization were escalating, producing positive results for greater employment opportunities for the citizens. Here, the social policy was perceived as a change agent that was meant to induce social, economic, and cultural force into the country's mechanisms the instructional forces of the Zambian society were operationalized for efficacy as the government knew that its proactive response to the social problems was the only way to minimize the devastations with a holistic approach (Noyoo, 2010, p. 16).
According to theory, social development is evident in various dimensions, such as social sectors, social insurance, social protection, social services, and social rights (Noyoo, 2010, p. 17). For social sectors, the Unicef report revealed that despite not-so-promising economic growth forecasts in contemporary times and greater challenges in fiscal empowerment, Zambia had been vigorously endeavoring to provide a better quality of life (QoL) for its poor people through programs like Social Cash Transfer Scheme (SCT), Food Security Pack (FSP) and Public Welfare As assistance (PWA) (Unicef, 2019). These programs could also be considered social protection for the underprivileged segments of society so that enacted budgets could be strictly executed for the allocated purposes. Nevertheless, the latest budget for the year 2022 has disclosed that social sector budgets increased from K30.4 billion to K40.6 billion from 2021 to 2022 (Unicef, 2021, p. 4)- an increment of 34% which is a sign of social empowerment from the government.
Social services and social rights are an obligation of social protection for Zambian citizens. In the budget allocation for the year 2022, the health budget gained the excessive majority of the entire allocation, which was 3% of the GDP compared to the previous rate of 2.6% in 2021 (Unicef, 2021, p. 4). The budgets for education, sanitation, and water remained for the year 2022 that were allocated in the previous year.
The social insurance program in Zambia could be found for health insurance and in the form of pension grants (Cha and Ramesh, 2017, p. 13). The security mechanism is set for providing immediate assistance to those who are not further employed in their old age or cannot afford the whole medical expense. There are mainly five statutory schemes followed in Zambia: Public Service Pension Fund (PSPF), National Pension Scheme Authority (NAPSA), Local Authorities Superannuation Fund (LASF), Workers Compensation Fund Control Board (WCFCB), and Pension Insurance Authority (PIA) (Ministry of Labor and Social Security, no date). Moreover, the social right of health is provided to Zambians through Universal Health Insurance covered by the local and national governments. The insurance package includes outpatient and inpatient treatments, medical imagery, dental care, laboratory tests, and surgical costs (Social Protection Toolbox, no date). Pregnancy care, delivery, and post-partum protection measures are also included in the coverage. Consultation, nursing, management of chronic diseases, and tackling malnutrition or rehabilitation are some of the other benefits that Zambian health insurance offers.
The results of these efforts could be seen in the form of high educational attainment at primary and secondary levels in the current years, which involve following Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for education (Policy Monitoring and Research Center Zambia, 2020). Education with equity and an all-inclusive approach catered to the higher national enrolment rates for primary schools in Zambia. Moreover, health improvements have been discovered in terms of better mortality rates for children under five years and enhanced protection of newborns (Ministry of Health Zambia, 2021). Fertility rates have reduced with time, especially from 2018 until now since family planning methods have been reintroduced, focusing on the population's low socio-economic and rural segments. Child immunization rates were high, and malaria prevalence was low. Yet, HIV incidence rates were still high for the latest years, especially among women. Tuberculosis incidence reduced as well as detection and treatment mechanisms were upgraded. Information systems and enhanced infrastructure for healthcare provision were made possible due to governmental and domestic health funding.
The Zambian government has also reformed its taxation policies to provide citizens with health insurance and pension plans. For example, the taxation upon individuals is such that a contribution of 5% to the National Pension Scheme Authority (NAPSA) is required from employers and employees (PwC Zambia, 2022). The registration of employees under the National Health Insurance Act 2018 strictly asks employers to register their workers within 30 days of joining the company. 1% from the employees' side and 1% from the employers' side are asked to be contributed to the insurance coverage where the staff workers would be working (PwC Zambia, 2022).
Two of the most daunting challenges Zambia faced for a long time were battling HIV and managing the agricultural system (The World Bank, 2016). Improving health needs the eradication of HIV, which has affected a major part of the Zambian population. For this, food insecurity had to be eliminated, for which agricultural programs were initiated, such as the National Agriculture Policy draft (NAP) (Phiri et al., 2020). Dependency on mining was reduced with more reliance on agriculture through this program; promotion of irrigating food, reliable use of the available food sources, investments in livestock and fisheries, encouraging cash crop production, and legislative framework were directed for the economic diversification. The post-colonial era till 2020 is marked by advancements in agriculture and some of the policies within the NAP draft for mitigating HIV, both at the same time. Connection of Political and Social Developments for Zambia International relations theory is based on two phenomenal theories: realism and liberalism. Realism suggests an increment in the country's power compared to other states. At the same time, liberalism focuses more on complexities created by the interdependence of the states and the use of military power against those intricacies when in need (Sehgal, 2021).
When the elite and urban condensation was seen in the ruling coalition of multi-party rule within Zambia, the low socio-economic class was not happy with acquiring powers for their benefit. These people believed wealth was being used at elite people's expense, and more good and social developments were not witnessed as promised (Gordon et al., 2014, p. 659). It was supposed a government's failure to seize the available opportunities and more realization of their desires was pursued otherwise. Health and education should have been made a priority to erase the poverty as much as it should have the repression remained in the eyes of Zambian citizens along with greater uncertainty about their progressive future (Gordon et al., 2014, p. 659). It could be inferred that with this form of government, the maximum benefit of social prosperity should have been achieved based on egalitarian emphasis and the humanism approach of Zambians, which was not the case in reality. Individual prosperity was perceived to be a priority for the elite collation rulers.
Even so, this was not the case before this era since Kaunda's party, MMD, tried to a great extent that pro-people efforts for social development should be highlighted (Gordon et al., 2014, p. 661). It is said so because liberal ideology and liberal politics worked for hand in hand for the transformation of the post-colonial era that Zambia has encountered. Kaunda somewhat endeavored to create an image of humanism and, most possibly, liberalism so that political discourse could become convenient for alliances with the external powers who could collaborate with Zambia for the country's better social prospects, especially the critical; social issues of health regarding HIV and AIDS. Although Kaunda's humanism approach was outlined to attract foreign investments, it did not work as planned since the UK soon targeted Zambia.
For political and social support, partnerships with non-aligned parties were deemed profitable for Zambia, for which the Zambian government planned to use its power to sustain sovereignty and encourage security (Nzala and Mataka, 2020, p. 2). Certain projects had to be undertaken through which funds could be collected for the social development of the Zambian people. For instance, the Zambian government formed an outward-looking strategy to promote tourism and attract investment (Nzala and Mataka, 2020, p. 2). Attention was gained from key stakeholders of the pertinent industries to engage them in the Zambian mission through economic diplomacy and self-sufficiency.
Therefore, under the light of international relations theory, specifically liberalism, it could be interpreted that Zambia's political development was mostly embedded in governmental policies for promoting inter-state economic flow, commonly known as economic diplomacy, so that with greater inter-state cooperation, social development projects could be facilitated. Nevertheless, social development within Zambia was at the cost of this economic diplomacy, as inter-state war could be instigated through economic sanctions or boycotts of certain products from other regions (Murshed, 2018, p. 2). Consequently, liberalism, more precisely, liberal peace between states, should be the fundamental pillar for economic inter-dependence between nations as the bargaining power of different regions' government result in the social welfare of all regions simultaneously, including Zambia. Comparison with Zimbabwe Zimbabwe is a neighboring state to Zambia in South Africa, and both have bilateral relations. For Zimbabwe, political and social stability has been in question recently due to Covid 19. Zimbabwe's mining sector is under great threat due to the deaths of numerous miners under gang conflicts where political actors were seen interfering (BTI Transformation Index, 2022a). After President Mugabe's departure, the country's steadiness is risky, especially after the advent of Covid. The upholding of constitutionalism is negatively affected, and the political movements have negatively influenced marginalization and discrimination. Since the population is divided into two ethnic groups, Shona and Ndebele, the issues of citizenship under racism have been politicized (BTI Transformation Index, 2022a). The poverty level was 40% in 2019, which was 30% in 2017, and is still expected to increase in the coming years, as projected in the year 2020 (BTI Transformation Index, 2022a). Food and basic commodities' prices are expected to rise due to inflation, and a decrease in agricultural production is also expected. The overall economy seems unstable due to mismanagement of the government recently.
Moreover, Zimbabwe follows international relations vigorously as it has been a member of the World Trade Organization (BTI Transformation Index, 2022a). It seeks to pursue trade liberalization to be free from World Bank and IMF. Collaboration from other countries has helped gain support and remove subsidies on social development sectors like health, agriculture, and education. Since February 2020, Zimbabwe has also been active in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to transform the free trade arena and envision new ways of custom unions (BTI Transformation Index, 2022a). Signing the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with European Union is another social development project in 2012 for capacity building in areas where Zimbabwe is weak.
Zambia has also been unsuccessful in gaining positive public reviews about its government since the years 2019 and 2021 have increased online criticism and public protests on cybersecurity and cybercrime drafts bills amidst poor Covid management by the government (BTI Transformation Index, 2022b). Dissatisfaction with the status quo was mounting as inflation increased uprto20% and the currency devalued up to 50%. Food insecurity has increased, and still, a heavy reliance on copper exists; a major sustainable development barrier that costs is social progress. In 2011, the Patriotic Front (PF) started borrowing profoundly from international peers to strengthen the country's infrastructure (BTI Transformation Index, 2022b). Despite that, debt accumulation is high, and serious corruption scandals have been witnessed among government officials. The economic transformation was much-needed with the social development of the citizens, for which loans were asked from the World Bank and IMF. Privatization of copper mines needed to be re-considered as a free-market system had to be initiated from the year 1991 (BTI Transformation Index, 2022b). The already-struggling Zambian economy to fight HUV had to face major challenges when Covid hit the nation. Ministry of Health report disclosed that many citizens earned less and were forced to pay for their health services and reduce the meal portions they consumed daily (BTI Transformation Index, 2022b). Food intake and health risks were on the rise, leading to problems related to food shortage and malnutrition. Cash transfer programs are present, but the coverage is minimum. Income inequality and gender discrimination have aggravated the economic and social welfare problems (BTI Transformation Index, 2022b). Lessons from Zambia for Zimbabwe Unfortunately, Zambia has not been as progressive regarding its political and social growth as it could have been under the circumstances. Several political reforms and social development programs were launched, foreseeing the growth opportunities. However, debt increment has restricted the country from making advancements by leaps and bounds. Healthcare, education, and agriculture have been challenging, especially HIV, as the erosion of politics and interworking of corruption have not led the government to be as productive as it should have. There still are gaps that need to be addressed in these three crucial social development areas. Further, recent leadership changes have caused problems in keeping international relations and liberal peace in sustained form so that democratic transfer does not pose a risk for multi-party democracy and its efforts to keep the social and economic progress of the nation at a good pace.
Zimbabwe could learn from the challenges and mistakes that Zambia has made to prevent them in the future and find an instrumental role within its governance to ensure a smooth transition and provide social security to its citizens.
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