International political economy and democratic peace theories applied to Afghanistan

International Political Economy and Democratic Peace Theories Applied to Afghanistan and Central Asia By My Name Graduate Writing Skills (GSS-501S)

21 December 2018

eSchool of Graduate PME DoeJ_CT_Paper Name_GSS-501S

Maxwell AFB, Alabama

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INTRODUCTION Central and South-Central Asia are besieged with a complex set of economic, political, and social challenges. Quite literally at the center of it all is Afghanistan, which continues to play a critical role in engendering peace and bringing about desired outcomes. Although the principles of polarity and power transition can be used to explain the differential role of regional players including Pakistan, Iran, and even China and India, the international political economy and democratic peace frameworks best apply to the region and explicate possible solutions to specific problems. THEORETICAL ORIENTATION Both international political economy and democratic peace theory apply well to the situation in Central Asia. International political economy refers to the intersection between economic and political strategies and objectives. The epicenter of Silk Road trade routes, Central Asia has long been the epitome of international political economy, showing how diverse geographic and cultural terrains can coalesce around economic expediency. International political economy also shows how political structures and institutions support, and are supported by, economic structures and institutions. Political actors use human and financial resources to gain or maintain power, while economic actors form strategic alliances with political entities regardless of the ethical consequences such as social justice. The implication of international political economy theory is that to resolve problems in regions as complex as Central Asia, it is important to essentially follow the money. Changes to economic institutions and conditions may effect changes to political cultures and climates, even more so than the other way around. Therefore, international political economy frameworks can be fused with neoliberal approaches to forging effective alliances between governments, the private sector, and humanitarian aid organizations. Democratic peace theory is wholly different from political economy theory in that it focuses on political ideals and broad assumptions about the way democracy functions. At its most idealistic, democratic peace theory assumes that “democracies are more peaceful in general: in other words, there are checks on the executive which diminish the war-proneness of the state.”[endnoteRef:1] Because of the ways the United States and its allies have attempted to impose or construct democratic institutions in Central Asia, democratic peace theory can highlight some of the reasons why these institutions might have failed and how to change or improve them. Democratic peace theory assumes much about the universality of human nature, and has the potential to obscure factors like history and culture. However, democratic peace theory often merges with realism to suggest that democratic political, economic, and social institutions possess “the mechanisms to indirectly control other countries’ economies and politics through forcibly installing democratic regimes.”[endnoteRef:2] Blending democratic peace theory with international political economy may offer an even stronger set of reachable foreign policy objectives. In particular, international political economy shows why members of Central Asia’s diverse societies may be resistant to democratic peace: to adopting the principle structures, institutions, and ideologies of liberal democracy. [1: Dunne, “Liberalism, International Terrorism, and Democratic Wars,” International Relations, 2000, p. 108, Online, available at: http://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/politics/research/readingroom/Dunne_IR.pdf] [2: Nagy, Michael Lewis, “The Democratic Peace Theory and Biopolitics,” Masters Thesis, p. 2, Online, available at: https://vtechworks.lib.vt.edu/bitstream/handle/10919/78249/Nagy_ML_T_2017.pdf?sequence=1 2]

AFGHANISTAN AND CENTRAL ASIA Afghanistan and its counterparts in Central Asia have developed and maintain a relatively robust and lucrative opium production and distribution network that extends almost as far as the historical Silk Routes, from the Persian Gulf states to East Asia.[endnoteRef:3] International political economy shows how the transnational opium trade ironically combines the best principles and tactics of neoliberal global market economy with the total subversion of democracy. Central Asian economies have come to depend on opium both on the localized and regional levels, due in no small part to the lack of established legitimate political institutions or social norms that would be able to govern or regulate their markets.[endnoteRef:4] A loosely connected but historically viable group of local tribes throughout Central Asia also precludes the potential for centralized institutions that could have usurped the power of warlords. The illicit economy holds together loose federations, which perceive outside interventions on the part of even the most well-meaning of international actors who operate under the presumptions of democratic peace theory. [3: Rubin, Barnett R. “The Political Economy of War and Peace in Afghanistan.” World Development Vol. 28, No. 10, pp. 1789±1803, 2000, Online available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/c36f/7be485354bca2bc1991280c4cb5204a3914f.pdf] [4: Rubin, Barnett R. “The Political Economy of War and Peace in Afghanistan.” World Development Vol. 28, No. 10, pp. 1789±1803, 2000, Online available at: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/c36f/7be485354bca2bc1991280c4cb5204a3914f.pdf]

Democratic peace theory has been the primary principle behind the “radical state building and democratization project” in Afghanistan in particular.[endnoteRef:5] Although implemented “in the name of safety and security,” a foreign policy built on democratic peace theory has proved risky and ineffective in Central Asia because it “looks an awful lot like an attempt at biopolitical engineering.”[endnoteRef:6] Without a creative means by which to blend local culture and customs with the ideals of democratic peace, a viable way forward for Afghanistan and the rest of Central Asia remains elusive. [5: Strand, Arne, Kaja Borchgrevink and Kristian Berg Harpviken. “Afghanistan: A Political Economy Analysis.” Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2017, p. x. Online, available at: https://brage.bibsys.no/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/2470515/NUPI_rapport_Afghanistan_Strand_Borchgrevink_BergHarpviken.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y] [6: Nagy, Michael Lewis, “The Democratic Peace Theory and Biopolitics,” Masters Thesis, p. 2, Online, available at: https://vtechworks.lib.vt.edu/bitstream/handle/10919/78249/Nagy_ML_T_2017.pdf?sequence=1 2]

CONCLUSION The most optimistic approach to Central Asia is one that embraces the core tenets of democratic peace theory: that “a successful peace process in Afghanistan can make a significant contribution to the fight against terrorism, as well as the eradication of poverty and inequality in an important region of the world.”[endnoteRef:7] Indeed, peace and prosperity can be considered rational desired outcomes for all but a few stakeholders. The actors who continue to profit from illicit economies, including members of the Taliban, remain the most potent barriers to peace. Recognizing the importance of creating viable economic growth options in the region, it is strongly recommended that state-building proceed only insofar as economic institutions can exist to support the emergence of viable future leaders. [7: Ndulo, Muna B., “Afghanistan: Prospects for Peace and Democratic Governance and the War on Terrorism.” Cornell Law Faculty Publications. Paper 70. 2003, p. 10, Online, available at: https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1069&context=facpub]