Third World Development What Are the Growing

Third World Development

What are the growing problems of ethnic tensions and violence in the developing world?

It is impossible to state all of the growing problems of ethnic tension and violence in the developing world, because old tensions are constantly being revived. Because most instances of ethnic tension do not lead to large-scale violence, when violence does erupt, it can be a surprise, even to seasoned observers. Of course, it is not always a surprise. Currently, Africa is the area most plagued by ethnic tension and resultant violence. Africa's conflict death tolls far surpass those on other continents, despite the minimization of violence in Africa (Shah, 2010). Moreover, Africa has a huge number of refugees and internally displaced people (Shah, 2010). The legacy of colonialism and the artificial boundaries it established among different ethnic groups make Africa ripe for growing ethnic tension (Shah, 2010). Moreover, the fact that many areas of Africa are resource poor for things like food and water means that violence will almost certainly result from those tensions, as people fight over things that are necessary for survival. In addition, there is little hope that these tensions will ease or that the violence will decline, because the Western world generally ignores ethnic conflict in Africa. Anywhere else, this type of ethnically-inspired killing and displacement would be called genocide, but Africa does not receive the same consideration as other continents. Therefore, one can expect Africa to continue to be an area where ethnic tensions and violence continue to grow.

2. Explain the difference between the following: nationality, tribe, race, and religion. How do these terms relate to ethnicity?

"Ethnicity refers to selected cultural and sometimes physical characteristics used to classify people into groups or categories considered to be significantly different from others" (O' Neill, 2006). Therefore, ethnicity refers to a myriad of sub-components, including, but not limited to nationality, tribe, race and religion. Nationality refers to one's nation of origin, or, perhaps, the nation from which one's ancestors came, depending on how one chooses to define nationality. The term tribe refers to a more local group of people, but it can also be a group of people tied together by a common ancestor or culture. Therefore, one may have tribes of different aboriginal groups in Africa, and still refer to the term tribe when describing groups of Jews that have been far-flung by Diaspora. The idea of race seems to be partially a mythical construct. Races are believed to be groups of people who are genetically closer to one another than people from other races. However, the degree of genetic similarity and differences within race is not as high as was previously believed, and some consider race an artificial construct. Religion refers to a set of fundamental beliefs and practices to which a particular person adheres.

3. Name the different types of solutions for dealing with ethnic hostilities in developing countries. What are the some of the outcomes from attempted solutions?

There are a number of solutions for dealing with ethnic hostilities in developing countries including, but not limited to: genocide, relocation of ethnic subgroups, coercive intervention by peacekeepers, and mediation. Almost all of these solutions create their own problems. For example, genocide may not seem like a solution to ethnic hostilities, but, by destroying an ethnic group, the cause of ethnic tension disappears. However, the impact of genocide on the targeted subgroup is clearly bad. Relocating ethnic subgroups can have some positive impact. However, one need only look at the existing tension in Israel, where the Arab minority has been relocated, to see that there are negatives to that solution as well. Coercive intervention by peacekeepers can be successful; who knows what the conditions in modern-day Kosovo would be without such intervention. However, none of the above solutions seems to offer any long-term solutions to the underlying ethnic violence. Instead, when one increases political participation and legitimate political competition, one sees a resultant decline in ethnic tensions (Mars, 2001). The more democratic and pacifistic the approach, the more likely one is to find a long-term solution to underlying ethnic tension and violence (Mars, 2001).

1. Explain how women have been the primary victims of underdevelopment and discuss how women can be the key players in solving development problems.

Women have been the primary victims of underdevelopment because they are denied educational opportunities, are treated like reproductive slaves, are not as highly valued as males and are at higher risk of abortion or post-birth abandonment, and are targeted by sexual violence. However, women can play a tremendous role in solving development problems. Women can be trained as health-care workers to tend to health issues in small villages and rural communities, where access to a doctor is impossible. Women can be given independent means of wealth, so that they may own their own businesses. This can be as simple as providing a woman with livestock, so that she may sell milk or cheese or provide that for her family. Women have been instrumental in stopping the global spread of violence against women. Women can help change conditions for children, reducing infant death rates and increasing life expectancy in developing nations. As women become more education, one sees an increase in standard-of-living in the local community. Moreover, when education becomes a priority for women, one sees a delay in marriage age and childbearing. Because childbearing continues to provide a significant risk to women in developing nations, delaying childbearing automatically improves life expectancy (See generally, Haeberle, 1983).

2. What is GEM (Gender Empowerment Measures) and what do the variables measure?

Gender Empowerment Measures are variables that measure inequalities between men and women in certain countries. The GEM looks at political participation and decision making, economic participation and decision making, and power over economic resources. "GEM looks at women's representation in parliaments, women's share of positions classified as managerial and professional, and women's participation in the active labor force and their share of national income. In short, it attempts to capture women's political, economic and social participation. But there is a reliability problem of political power as measured by women's share of parliamentary seats" (The African Center for Women, 2002). Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that the GEM is a helpful, but inaccurate means of measuring women's relative power in a country.

3. Explain why women are restricted from educational opportunities and have lower literacy rates than men.

Women are restricted from educational opportunities for several reasons. The primary reason is that education is a limited resource, and that many families feel that they cannot afford to education women or delay marriage (and continue to provide for a daughter) so that she can attain an education. However, it is erroneous to assume that the educational disparity that exists between men and women is simply a side-effect of sexist societies. Women are denied an education because of the power to transform that educating women has:

the educational achievements of women can have ripple effects within the family and across generations. Investing in girls' education is one of the most effective ways to reduce poverty. Investments in secondary school education for girls yields especially high dividends.

Girls who have been educated are likely to marry later and to have smaller and healthier families. Educated women can recognize the importance of health care and know how to seek it for themselves and their children. Education helps girls and women to know their rights and to gain confidence to claim them (United Nations Population Fund, 2008).

1. Why are the majority of impoverished people in developing countries living in rural farming areas and not in cities?

The majority of impoverished people in developing countries live in rural farming areas and not in cities for several reasons. First, developing countries have large urban populations. Second, they are poor because they either own or have access to few assets or have few links to the economy:

The poor's physical assets include natural capital (private and common property rights in land, pastures, forest, and water), machines and tools and structures, stocks of domestic animals and food, and financial capital (jewelry, insurance, savings, and access to credit).

Their human assets are the labor pools -- comprising workers of varying ages, genders, skills, and health -- in the households and communities. Their infrastructural assets are publicly and privately provided transport and communications, access to schools and health centers, storage, potable water, and sanitation. Their institutional assets include their legally protected rights and freedoms and the extent of their participation in decision making in households and communities, as well as at the supra-community level. The first two categories of assets are largely regulated through formal and informal networks among individuals and communities. Most rural people, particularly women and those in landless households, are greatly handicapped by inadequate assets and the low and volatile returns on them (Kahn, 2001).

2. Describe some of the barriers that the rural poor face in trying to better their lives, including their limited role in politics.

The rural poor face a significant number of barriers in trying to better their lives. First, they have few assets and little voice in politics. These developing nations generally have lower rates of economic growth, which means that the rural poor, who are dependent on agriculture and trade for the livelihood, have little hope of coming out of poverty. Moreover, because the poor tend to be disenfranchised, "the pressure of budgetary limitations and reform programmes has fallen disproportionately on investment in the rural sector" (Bage, 2001). International assistance for rural and agricultural development has declined, which reinforces the cycle of poverty. Moreover, people in rural areas generally lack the same access to health care and education as people in rural areas, which keep the rural poor trapped in rural areas.

3. Describe some of the strategies for dealing with massive urban poverty, joblessness, and poor housing in developing countries.

One of the erroneous assumptions that people make about massive urban poverty is that the only solutions need to be top-down. Certainly, there are things that the government can do to deal with issues like urban poverty, joblessness, and poor housing. The government can emphasize education, job-preparedness programs, and invite industry to increase jobs. However, the poor themselves can also do things to increase their likelihood of success. Even those born into poverty can make choices, and those choices can make differences, even if those differences are bound by economic constraints. Families can self-construct shelter, use social networks, and work with other families so that they can mitigate the impact of the poverty (Hossain, 2005).

4. In what ways do the urban poor influence politics in their country?

The urban poor are able to influence politics, despite the fact that they have relatively little power. As a group, in countries that are democracies, the urban poor can actually wield significant power if they act together. For example, in Kampala, the urban poor got together and wrote a manifesto requiring clean water access from their politicians. In fact, in the manifesto, "the urban poor are demanding improvement in solid waste management and drainage systems, easy access to cesspool emptier and increased share of WASH in the local government budget" (Wateraid, 2011). While the urban poor may not be able to control politics in the same way as wealthier citizens, their numbers make it possible for them to act in concert.

1. How has revolutionary change threatened developing countries over the past century?

The phrasing of this question is disturbing, because it almost assumes that revolutions only provide negative change. That certainly is not the case. However, it is also not the case that revolutions are inspired by or done wholly for the people. Instead, self-interest plays a critical role in revolutions, for those organizing them, and for the individuals who must decide whether or not to participate in revolutions. For example, developing nations may need to increase taxation, but increased taxation is one of the ways that countries make themselves susceptible to revolution (Cartwright, Delorme, & Wood, 1985). Therefore, a developing nation that is seeking funds to establish better infrastructure and public services makes itself less appealing to the middle class, which can bring about revolution. In the aftermath of revolution, one rarely sees the types of changes that would meaningfully and positively impact the lower class. Therefore, revolution can significantly delay development. Moreover, because revolutions necessarily make a country politically instable, they can threaten economic assistance, and even political recognition by more developed nations. Revolutions can also exacerbate current underlying ethnic tensions, leading to genocidal conditions

2. What are the different theories of revolution and what are the underlying causes?

According to Goldstone, there were three different generations of theories explaining revolution in the 20th century (Goldstone, 1980). These differences make sense, as the type of revolution changed dramatically over the course of that century. At the beginning of the 1900s, revolutions were likely to be motivated by Marxist ideals and prompted by economic unrest in the lower classes. Economic unrest continues to be a significant motivator for revolution, but is not the only one. Revolutions are aimed at transforming institutions, so a simple change in dictators like one would find in a coup d'etat is not a revolution. However, there has been a change in how people define revolution. The term was previously very limited to Western movements and focused on the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and, later, the Bolshevik Revolution. However, when theorists began to look at the broader goal of institutional transformation, it became clear that there had been far more successful revolutions than previously believed. The different types and theories of revolution depends on how one defines revolution. They can be described as political, sociological, or gradual. Many scholars label Marxist revolutions differently than other types of revolutions. Furthermore, revolutions can be labeled by how they occur. They can be coups, top-down seizures of power, the result of civil war, revolts, or social revolutions that change economic and social structures as well as political structures. Revolution appears to be caused by widespread discontent with the status quo. The exact nature of that discontent depends on the status quo. In some areas, it is discontent with economics, in other places with discrimination or oppression.

3. How do revolutionaries fare once they gained control of the government?

This question is one that cannot be answered with a simple response. Truly, it depends upon the revolutionaries. The American Revolution demonstrates that revolutionaries can seize control of a developing nation and turn it into a superpower. It is important to look at even current revolutions in comparison to both the French and American revolutions, because they established the modern model of revolution. One of the things that is interesting about modern revolutions is that they are often driven by two separate factions: the people on the street and the people engaging in negotiations. Those are the opposition elites, and they may be directly negotiating with those in power (Conan, 2011). Therefore, to give a blanket statement with how revolutionaries fare is impossible. They may do very well in the short-term, only to be quashed by a counter-revolution. They may find that they are unable to accomplish their goals. The people doing the protesting in the street may actually find that their conditions have changed very little by the end of the revolution, despite promises by people in leadership positions.

1. What are the causes of military intervention into civil society and government in developing countries?

This is a wonderful question, because to an observer it certainly seems like there are different criteria for military intervention based on the locations in turmoil. Previously, NATO and independent nations have cited civil rights abuses as a basis for military intervention into civil society and government. However, the degree of civil rights abuses that are required to provoke intervention seem to be lesser in non-African countries, while even massive, documented genocide does not provoke military intervention in some African countries. D.K. Matai, discussing the idea of military intervention in Libya, came up with some interesting questions to ask before military intervention. These questions are good questions to consider prior to military intervention. First, is there a legitimate basis for supporting a group of rebels? If there is a civil war, what separates the two sides? Does the current leader have popular support? Does NATO have sufficient intelligence to effectively mount a military intervention? What are the goals of the military intervention? What are the consequences of a military intervention, both to the intervening countries and to the citizens directly impacted by the intervention? What non-military interventions can be used and what are their likelihood of success? What types of actions should trigger military intervention? Who would direct and lead such an intervention? (See generally, Matai, 2011). All of these questions make it clear that different actions might lead to military intervention under different circumstances, so that seemingly arbitrary decisions to use the military to ease civil unrest become less arbitrary.

2. What are the conduct and policies of military regimes?

Military regimes are those governments where political power resides with the military. Thought the government is not directly ruled by the military, the military has political power. Military regimes may be formal or informal and are almost always part of a dictatorship. Their conduct and policies are totalitarian; they do not permit protest. They use military force against citizens to keep the current regime in power. Mugabe's military dictatorship in Zimbabwe provides a good example of how a military regime functions. That dictatorship razed homes and businesses, displacing people, arrested innocent people killed innocent women and children, placed human rights activists on banned lists, restricted travel for opponents, and punished people for using their right to vote (Musiyawa, 2005). Those types of actions are very typical of military regimes.

3. Describe the legacies of military regimes.

While military regimes seem, by definition, evil, there is some disagreement about whether they are ever a necessary phase. For example, some scholars think that a military regime is necessary when transferring a fascist society to a democracy. Many developing nations in South America seem to support this assumption. In the 1960s and 1970s, much of South America was ruled by military regimes. By the 1990s, those regimes had largely disappeared. In some cases, their disappearance was followed by a very democratic government; in other cases, they were followed by authoritarian regimes. Therefore, the question to consider is whether the military regimes "are likely to hinder or facilitate democratic consolidation (Norden, 1991). When the military ceases to function as a political alternative, then democracies can flourish after the downfall of a military regime. However, in other instances, the military remains as a political alternative, and democracy is less likely. Three factors can influence this transition: the political system, the armed forces and whether the military is willing to accept a subordinate position, and the relationship between the armed forces and civilians.