American imperialism in the 19th century

¶ … Anti-Imperialist League, formed in 1899 by prominent citizens such as Andrew Carnegie and William James, held the belief that American Imperialism went against the spirit of those that fought the Revolutionary War and participated in the creation of the Declaration of Independence (Halsall, 1997). Specifically, they asserted that the American government's actions in places such as Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico represented a hostile attitude toward liberty and step in the direction of militarism (Halsall, 1997). Moreover, they argued, the American Government derived its power from the consent of the governed, and imperialism denied man's natural right to either govern himself or choose to be governed (Halsall, 1997). Instead, it promoted a form of despotism (Halsall, 1997). They maintained that, through imperialistic policies, the United States was practicing truth-suppressing censorship and the deliberation of war, and they called for an immediate end to the United States' presence in the Philippines as well as the liberation of the Filipinos (Halsall, 1997).

However, the U.S. never technically adopted a policy of "imperialism." The Anti-Imperialist league were simply the first to term U.S. actions as such, and that term, related to U.S. foreign policy, remains debated to this day. Just as today's leaders would scoff at calling the "War on Terror" an imperialistic policy, 19th century leaders never called their involvement in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam "imperialism." It remains, however, that the U.S. did in fact follow imperialistic policies in these countries, simply extending, or mirroring, the Spanish imperialism that had been instituted there for over two centuries.

These imperialistic policies were quite possibly rationalized, perhaps unconsciously, by the belief in Manifest Destiny -- or the widespread American belief that it was the U.S.' destiny to widen the borders of democracy and extend its rights to whoever was capable of self-governance (PBS, 2006). This philosophy created the framework by which involvement in Spanish imperialism in the Philippines, Cuba and Puerto Rico could be justified.

The reasons for U.S. imperialism in the 19th century -- or the Spanish-American war -- are numerous. First, the U.S. had significant interest and money invested in Cuba, and had been looking to purchase it from Spain long before its outspoken wishes for autonomy (Library of Congress, "The World of 1898: the Spanish-American War," 1998). Most notably, the U.S. had "more than $50 million invested in Cuba and annual trade, mostly in sugar, was worth twice that much" (Library of Congress, "The World of 1898: the Spanish-American War," 1998). Thus, it was in their interest to help Cuba gain their autonomy; a Cuba without Spain would be a Cuba that was easier to attain and harvest resources from. Also influencing the U.S. imperialistic policies was a man named Alfred T. Mahan, who wrote The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1600-1783. This book advocated the attainment of the Caribbean Islands, Hawaii, and the Philippines for bases to protect U.S. commerce and naval operations (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). Also motivating imperialist U.S. policy was the public sentiment at the time. The American public saw their own revolutionary struggle for autonomy from England in the 18th century reflected in Cuba's, and thus supported American involvement in the affair (Library of Congress, "The World of 1898: the Spanish-American War," 1998). This was echoed by an official Senatorial recognition of Cuban belligerency and independence (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998).

The major events of 19th century American Imperialism were, preeminently, the United States' occupation of Cuba and Puerto Rico, and their expansion into and occupation of the Philippines and Guam. The Spanish had been occupying and threatening American interest in these areas, as well as stifling their cries for autonomy, and many Americans had been clamoring for war. The turning point came at an explosion, apparently by a Spanish mine, aboard the U.S.S. Maine (Library of Congress, "The World of 1898: the Spanish-American War," 1998). Shortly thereafter, the U.S. Congress passed the Fifty Million Bill, strengthening the military (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). Less than a month later, the U.S. presented Spain with an ultimatum to leave Cuba, which the Spanish did not accept (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). Less than three weeks later, the U.S. declared war on Spain, as well as issued the Teller Amendment, which stated that, upon entering Cuba, the U.S. would not take it over, as the Spanish did (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). A week later, the U.S. took Manila -- sinking the entire Spanish Squadron -- in 6 hours (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). Soon after, a joint resolution was introduced into the U.S. House of Representatives calling for the annexation of Hawaii -- President McKinley himself arguing "we must have Hawaii to help us get our share of China" (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). The U.S., then, on the way to Manila for another battle, proceeded to take Guam from Spain -- Spain surrendering (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). Soon after, the U.S. arrived in Cuba, and negotiations began to end the war. A peace protocol was signed that ended all fighting in the war fronts of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998). In the Treaty of Paris, Spain granted independence to Cuba, ceded Puerto Rico and Guam to the U.S., and sold the Philippines to the U.S. For $20,000,000 (Library of Congress, "Chronology of the Spanish-American War," 1998).