Fear by Andrew Graham-Yooll Who

¶ … Fear by Andrew Graham-Yooll

Who was responsible for the violence and bloodshed that occurred in Argentina following the overthrow of Isabel Peron's government? According to author Andrew Graham-Yooll, who was a newspaper reporter in Argentina during that bloody era, but later chose exile to England, the perpetrators were thugs, assassins -- part of the guerrilla movement in Argentina -- and other underworld operatives that were members of the Montoneros guerrillas. But the perpetrators of violence went far beyond the guerrillas and other underground thugs. Indeed, the government, local police, military organizations and others had a hand in the violence that plagued the country in the 1970s.

Among the long list of perpetrators of violence was the Juan Peron government, which Graham-Yooll referred to as a "preposterous administration" (p. 57). Peron's people had rigged the election, which exacerbated serious feuds already taking place in Argentina. To get into office, Peron had taken over radio and television stations to push his way into power. These events -- along with the incompetence of the national administration -- were pivotal in creating stress, lawlessness and anger in the country, leading to violence. When Peron died, July 1st 1973, his wife took over and appointed a Social Welfare Minister (who also served as her secretary) who "…Had many good men murdered and he held the country, including the president, in his hand" (p. 61). He also made "kidnapping fashionable," Graham-Yooll writes, noting that the guerrilla movement had kidnapped (and released) 170 people which netted $43 million in ransom (p. 62). With that success shown by the guerrillas, Mrs. Peron's administration used it as a strategy to fend off attacks on the government.

In fact Mrs. Peron's secretary used "his own ministry as headquarters for a private army into which retired and active police officers were recruited…" for kidnapping (fundraising) purposes (p. 62). If kidnapping can be considered a "violent" act, which it certainly should be considered since most if not all kidnapped people are hauled away at gunpoint, then it can be said that many groups within the whole nation of Argentina were among the perpetrators. Businessmen, trade union leaders, police units, the federal government and senior army officers -- all of these groups and more got into the kidnapping scene (pp. 62-63). Why was all this criminal behavior occurring in Argentina? Why did "whole lifetimes" become "smothered dreams" destroyed by "murderous nightmares and evil characters"? Why were random victims -- whose political and social views were at odds with the marauding raiders or the government -- "clubbed into unconsciousness…thrown by the roadside, their bodies shaken by dozens of bullets from several guns…their bodies…destroyed by hand grenades"? (p. 64).

There is no one answer to those questions. In the first place, the breakdown of law and order usually spawns criminal behavior. And when there is a seemingly lawless national political administration, the anarchy easily trickles down to the street and balloons into a major era of bloodshed, recriminations, and yes, kidnappings for money. "Civil conflict grew out of political enmity," Graham-Yooll offered (p. 79), probably as succinct an explanation for the fear, loathing, and bloodletting as there is in his book. Civil conflict also grew out of "personal emotions," the author explains. Nearly everyone it seems got into the act, including those who "set out to avenge a militant blasted to bits by a grenade" -- and the casualties grew as various groups "ordered an increase in terror" as a strategy to maintain power over those "of the wayward in their faction" (p. 79).

Though he was a newspaper reporter, and very interested in the guerrilla movement and the government corruption as a political dynamic, Graham-Yooll (p. 43) -- and a witness to the release of a kidnapped high-visibility individual (Jorge Born) -- Graham-Yooll remarked, "The frustrating thing about journalism is that often you know less about a story for being at the center of it."

One story Graham-Yooll did know about was the military government's angry response to newspapers "…which persisted in reporting the appearance of bodies in ditches, parks or cars" (p. 73). To put a stop to the free press the military government ordered that "no deaths, abductions or arrests" could be reported in the press "without official permission" (p. 73). Basically that is fascism, or a "police state" if you will. Totalitarian governments are typically challenged by violent means by those not enjoying the profits and perks of power.

How did the violence manifest itself and why? If a "wayward militant" or "fringe sympathizer" had rejected a demand to join an "underground cell" a gun was subsequently "planted in his home" and the police received a tip that a gun was to be located in a certain house (p. 76). Following the raid of the house, the man then became a "wanted man" and along came the guerrillas to offer him protection. It was an evil game designed to keep power in the hands of the guerrillas; any little bit of brute power not in the hands of the military government was a good thing. "…Survival was the only victory to be achieved" (p. 77), and a hollow victory that was in any event.