Research Paper Doctorate 6,896 words

Childhood intimacy problems as a catalyst for sexual perpetration

Last reviewed: October 31, 2006 ~35 min read

¶ … Childhood Intimacy Problems Serve as a Catalyst to Create a Sexual Perpetrator?

SEXUAL PERPETRATOR'S CATALYST

Children Learn

Normal?

Children Learn What They Live

Factors of Intimacy

Childhood Sexual Abuse

Sexual Abuse "Signs"

The Sensible Thing

Common, Yet Uncommon, Concerns

Sexual Perpetrators' Profiles

Sexual Offender or Predator?

Society's Dilemma

Identifying a Sexual Predator 19 Online Sexual Predators

Life Long Treatment 23 Real Reasons

Ageless Truths

Facts 26 V: From Facts to Conclusions

Facts Reviewed

SEXUAL PERPETRATOR'S CATALYST

Can childhood intimacy problems serve as a catalyst to create a sexual perpetrator? As this research paper posits to answer this question, factors of intimacy, along with profiles of sexual perpetrators, are reviewed and related. The expectation for this project's findings is that it will answer this question with a resounding, "Yes."

Sexual offenders and murderers have similar personalities and background, this researcher notes, and just as the FBI uses interviewing techniques to question the offenders and murderers about their past sexual relationships and non-sexual relationships, this research project utilizes collected data to question offenders' pasts.

An increased understanding of the reasoning a perpetrator utilizes is gained through this research, as well as, how he/she defends his/her actions. Whether the perpetrator blames or relates his/her crimes and actions on the need for non-sexual intimacy is also determined though the course of this project.

SEXUAL PERPETRATOR'S CATALYST

I. Children Learn...

Children Learn What They Live

If children live with criticism, they learn to condemn.

If children live with hostility, they learn to fight.

If children live with fear, they learn to be apprehensive.

If children live with pity, they learn to feel sorry for themselves.

If children live with ridicule, they learn to feel shy.

If children live with jealousy, they learn to feel envy.

If children live with shame, they learn to feel guilty.

If children live with encouragement, they learn confidence.

If children live with tolerance, they learn patience.

If children live with praise, they learn appreciation.

If children live with acceptance, they learn to love.

If children live with approval, they learn to like themselves.

If children live with recognition, they learn it is good to have a goal.

If children live with sharing, they learn generosity.

If children live with honesty, they learn truthfulness.

If children live with fairness, they learn justice.

If children live with kindness and consideration, they learn respect.

If children live with security, they learn to have faith in themselves and in those about them.

If children live with friendliness, they learn the world is a nice place in which to live. (Nolte, 1972)

Normal?

To me, it was normal," Laura Faye McCollum said, regarding her experiences as a sexual perpetrator. "My first one was a 4-year-old girl. I never talked about it. But to me, it was normal." (Conklin, 1997) Although positive, as well as, negative exceptions do exist to the introductory poem, Children Learn What They Live by Dorothy Law Nolte, PhD, McCollum, as the poem stresses, learned in childhood what she later "lived" as an adult. The youngest of 4 sisters (with 4 brothers), from a family of 9 children, McCollum, born and raised in Memphis, Tennessee, was neglected by her parents and ultimately placed in foster care.

While in foster care, her foster parents sexually and physically abused her. McCollum began molesting children when she was a 9-year-old foster child. McCollum said that she felt she just wanted control, but later realized she was on the verge of killing the children she abused. According to McCollum, she did not realize she had severe sexual problems until 1989, right before she raped and almost killed Amber, an 18-month-old girl.

Only two women in the United States were classified as violent sexual predators during 1997. One, McCollum, incarcerated in solitary at Twin Rivers Correction Center in Monroe, Washington, reportedly cost the state $300,000 for every year she remains incarcerated. It costs the state $65,000 annually for each incarcerated male offender. The other female sexual perpetrator is incarcerated in Minnesota, where a coherent therapeutic sex-offender program for women exists. In 1990, McCollum was convicted of repeatedly raping Amber. She also tried to suffocate the toddler with a pillow. McCollum, now almost 49-years-old, stated, "As a child molester, there are things I know that can help other parents." The basic point McCollum posits is that parents need to insure they know where their children are at all times and with whom. McCollum's victims were often children of alcoholic parents who did not vigilantly care for their children. McCollum said she realizes that her treatment for being a sexual perpetrator will have to continue for the rest of her life. She wishes things had turned out differently for/in her life.

Aims and Objectives

Aim

To search for the answer(s) to the question:

Can childhood intimacy problems serve as a catalyst to create a sexual perpetrator?

Objective

Identify sexual perpetrator(s).

During the course of completing this research paper, sexual perpetrators are identified, while characteristics noted that can potentially contribute to an individual becoming a sexual perpetrator also being assessed. The difference between a sexual offender and sexual perpetrator are explained.

Objective

Garner relevant literature related to sexual perpetrators and review data to attempt to determine if childhood intimacy problems serve as probable and/or potential catalyst to create a sexual perpetrator.

Relevant literature focusing on sexual perpetrators is compiled and reviewed during the course of this research project. Several sexual perpetrators are identified, along with some of their personality traits.

Objective

Determine whether research serves to support or disprove that childhood intimacy problems serve as probable and/or potential catalyst to create a sexual perpetrator.

After reviewing literature related to the question posited for this study, determinations are made to present findings and conclusions related to primary question for this research project.

This researcher fully anticipates findings to support a resounding "yes," in regard to this project's supposition that childhood intimacy problems contribute to and can serve as a catalyst to create a sexual predator.

1.2 Background

This researcher's decision to write about childhood intimacy problems potentially serving as a catalyst evolved while reviewing profiles of sexual offenders created by the Federal Investigation Bureau. Many sexual offenders and murderers, research purports, had similar personalities and backgrounds. Learning that the FBI used interviewing techniques to question the offenders and murderers about their past sexual relationships and non-sexual relationships further nurtured this researcher's interest. After the psychologist or interviewer gained a perpetrator's trust, he/she would befriend the perpetrator and convince him/her they were someone who understood the urges triggering the sexual offence.

As this researcher learned more, the desire to understand the reasoning a perpetrator utilizes began to take root. Questions came to mind needing to be answered: How does a sexual perpetrator defend his/her actions? Does he/she blame or relate his/her crimes and actions on/to the need for non-sexual intimacy?

Focuses for the following chapters in this research project encompass:

Chapter II - Literature Review presents relevant information regarding sexual perpetrators, along with expounding on childhood intimacy problems.

Chapter III - This chapter expands on information garnered to answer the primary question for this study, as well as, presenting other applicable considerations contributing to sexual predator.

Chapter IV - Data collected for this research project is evaluated to determine if it answers: "Yes," or "No" the leading question for this study.

Chapter V - the conclusions and recommendations for this research project are presented for final consideration of the question leading this study. Considerations for future research related to the question for this study, are also presented.

II. Factors of Intimacy

Childhood Sexual Abuse

Your children are not here to fill the void left by marital dissatisfaction and disengagement.

They are not to be utilized as a substitute for adult-adult intimacy.

They are not in this world in order to satisfy wife's or a husband's need for love, closeness or a sense of worth.

A child's task is to fully develop his/her emerging self.

When we place our children in the position of satisfying our needs, we rob them of their childhood. (Hess, 1994)

When a child is sexually abused, internalized shame accompanies the abuse and negatively relates to an individual's hardiness. Survivors of childhood intimacy problems, which include individuals who experience ongoing childhood sexual abuse, also experience personality changes contributing to problems with personal identity, as well as, with relationships. (Hulse-Killacky, 2006) These individuals also develop more complex, severe, permanent psychological symptoms than survivors who experience a single-episode trauma when a child. Incest survivors are especially traumatized and appear to lose a sense of possibilities and/or hope for their lives as they feel the damage they received cannot be undone. Brodwin (2005) argues that in terms of psychological and social development, the impact of abuse to a child will vary according to the child's resilience. A child previously forced to endure emotional abuse in a problematic family is even more vulnerable to the extra impact of sexual abuse, while a child living in a more secure background may experience equal distress at the time of abuse will less likely sustain less developmental damage over time. Other determining factors influencing long-term affects of abuse to a child include:

Whether the child's mother is supportive and child can confide in her.

Whether the child's experiences success at school

Whether the child has nurturing relationships with peers. (Ibid.)

Childhood intimacy problems and sexual abuse, interacting with family background, contribute the child's developing self-esteem and sense or "world" mastery being disrupted. These deficits, in turn, increase the probability of a child experiencing psychological problems later in his/her adult. These developmental deficits may lead to social and personal vulnerabilities later in life, and consequently contribute to the risk of mental health problems developing and/or increasing. (Ibid.)

Sexual Abuse "Signs"

Effects of early sexual abuse, which include childhood intimacy problems, last well into a person's adulthood and effect their relationships, family and work. Individual symptomatology tends to be reflected into the following four areas:

1. "Damaged goods: Low self-esteem, depression, self-destructiveness (suicide and self-mutilation), guilt, shame, self-blame, constant search for approval, and nurturance.

2. Betrayal: Impaired ability to trust, blurred boundaries and role confusion, rage and grief, difficulty forming relationships.

3. Helplessness: Anxiety, fear, tendency toward re-victimization, panic attacks.

4. Isolation: Sense of being different, stigmatized, lack of support, poor peer relations." (Ibid.)

Brodwin, (Ibid) also notes that adult childhood sexual abuse survivors may experience a number of the following (copied) symptoms:

Fear of the dark, fear of sleeping alone, nightmares, night terrors

Difficulty with swallowing, gagging

Poor body image, poor self-image in general

Wearing excessive clothing

Addictions, compulsive behaviors, obsessions

Self-abuse

Suicidal ideation

Phobias, anxiety disorder, panic attacks, startle response

Difficulties with anger, hostility, rage

Issues with trust, intimacy, relationships

Issues of boundaries, control, abandonment

Blocking out memories especially between 1 and 12 years of age

Denial, flashbacks

Multiple personalities

Signs of posttraumatic stress disorder (Ibid.)

Past research establishes the fact when a child experiences sexual abuse; he/she becomes more at risk for imminent, as well as, future psychiatric problems. (Mennen, 1993)

The Sensible Thing

The FBI Uniform Crime Report confirms that, 92% of all sexual assaults reported to police are substantiated. Along with believing the victim of a sexual offence, it is also vital to avoid blaming him/her in any way. Puckett (2006) cites Claire Kaplan, director of Sexual and Domestic Violence Services at the UVA Women's Center, to note many victims of sexual abuse do not "tell" because of being told the assault was their fault. The physical pain subsides in time as the body heals, albeit, the pain inside does not just simply dissipate. It lingers inside a person and it eats at them. Even though the pain from being sexually abused lingers and girls are considered to be at risk" when they become adults for repeated acts of victimization, Green (1993) reports that a significant, albeit smaller number of these abused females will molest children. The American Humane Association study in 1981, determined that: "14% of the perpetrators of sexual abuse against boys and 6% of the perpetrators against girls were women." Other of the scarce number of current studies of female sexual offenders indicates that "50% to 95% of them had been sexually abused during childhood." One Australian researcher posits that females who sexually abuse children, just as males, exert a devastating impact on victims; however, this concern is hugely ignored in society. (Miles, 2006) Among the many labels attributed to sexual predators, "the worst of the worst" and "very nasty criminals" are included. ("A BETTER ANSWER...," June 15, 1997).

Many in society contend that the only answer for "community protection" is to keep them "locked up."

Common, Yet Uncommon, Concerns

Valente (2005), as most researchers noted in this project, relates commonly known, uncommon concerns regarding childhood sexual abuse. Not only can this issue which blatantly reflects problems with intimacy damage a child's.".. self-esteem, self-concept, relationships, and ability to trust. It can also leave psychological trauma that compromises a boy's confidence in adults." Even though some males may adjust to sexual abuse, if they willingly participate, numerous other boys experience negative fallout, including quality of life problems, impaired functioning; poor personal relationships, self-destructive behavior(s).

As the study completed by Valente (Ibid) explores components related to boys being sexually abused, such as prevalence, psychological consequences, characteristics, treatment, and the boys' coping patterns, their reluctance and/or failure to disclose abuse is also explored.

Denial, anxiety, self-hypnosis, dissociation, and self-mutilation are common psychological responses to abuse. Becoming an angry avenger; a passive victim; daredevil; rescuer; conformist are some coping methods boys who have been sexually abused may use. Male victims may run away; perform in school or on their job; require expensive medical and/or emergency care, require mental health visits. Suicide may be attempted when/if the by decides life is not worth the pain. (Ibid.) Sexual abuse of males is estimated to range from 4% to 16%, dependent on sexual abuse definitions, the population studied, and the data collected. Particular populations such as psychiatric patients, homeless men, psychiatric patients, and sexual offenders note larger rates. (Ibid.) This particular study, as all others explored in this project, notes that the majority of sexual abuse are primarily male (from 53% to 94%), with most stating they are heterosexual. Female sexual perpetrators, Valente (Ibid), notes are usually adolescent baby sitters. Family members are found to be more likely to abuse boys prior to them turning 6 years-old. Abuse incidents in this study ranged from isolated cases to chronic abuse ranging 6 months to 4 years. For some children, the only positive memory of positive interaction with their family was right before their abuse started which usually began as horse play, tickling, playing and wrestling with a friend/adult or family member.

After the abuse became evident to the boys being victimized, they would often struggle mentally, questioning if the abuse was normal behavior or wrong.

Physical force, manipulation, rewarded secrecy and threats of harmful consequences frequently accompanied the abuse, constituting a problematic intimacy. Sometimes male abuse victims complied with sexual abuse, thinking it would defer or eliminate beatings. (Ibid.) the boy's, with average age of 8 years and 4 months, felt something was wrong with them; that they were less than male, as they were singled out to be abused. Some feared the abuse would transform them into a homosexual or that they were homosexual.

Being placed in the role of sexual objects challenged their self-concept as being strong, masculine, valuable individuals. (Ibid). As the boys experienced fear and intimidation, coupled with sexual stimulation, they also.".. reported feeling helpless, isolated, alienated, guilty, blamed themselves, and felt humiliated." Sexually abused boys, researchers determined are two to four times more likely to experience a deluge of "disorders," including mood; post-traumatic stress;, borderline personality disorder; eating disorders; aggressive behavior; school problems, run away behaviors; etc.. Of evils when compared with physical abuse or isolation. Rage or its opposite contender, extreme passivity are common among children who have survived chronic sexual abuse. Defenses against rage, such as passivity or identification with the aggressor, may be common. Violence toward their self, such as self-mutilation may also emerge. (Ibid) an angered abused boy who becomes an avenger determines someone has to pay for his suffering. In turn, this desire for revenge motivates him to abuse other individuals. By becoming the dominant abuser, he strengthens his sense of control, feeling more masculine; dominant; powerful. Instead of being the victim as in his youth, the young man relives the trauma, however, ascertains that the experience as an abuser is sexually exciting. Consequently, he begins to pervert or.".. defile a child but he selects an ideal child who is unlike him, but reflects the child he would have wanted to be if his early trauma had been avoided." (Ibid).

An even stronger link between childhood sexual victimization and subsequent sexually abusive behavior in men appears to exist as the study Green (I993) notes that Groth and Freeman-Longo (1979) completed, indicating that 80% of a sample of convicted sexual offenders (both rapists and child molesters) were sexually abused when children. Green also cites Seghorn et al. (1987) to report that.".. 57% of child molesters had a history of previous sexual abuse."

The sexual offense, researchers attest, may portray the perpetrator's reenactment of their initial experience of being abused. Their ensuing abuse cycle could also signify anger expressed toward the abuser, and also the perpetrator/former victim identifying with the person who abused them. (Ibid.)

III: Sexual Perpetrators' Profiles

Sexual Offender or Predator?

Just kids! That's about the craziest argument I've ever heard.

Every criminal in the world was a kid once. What does it prove?

Career sexual predators are not easily identified, yet according to Duane L. Dobbert, they are among us. Dobbert's book, Halting the Sexual Predators Among Us, published in 2005, notes that more than 103,845 kids are sexually abused each year, and that a 20-percent increase in rape incidents has been currently noted. Vague advice usually accompanies statistics; Dobbert notes and contends that more prevention information is needed. ("Halting the Sexual...,"2005.) Dobbert outlines problems with sexual predators and stresses that everyone needs to contribute to making the world safer. In his book, "common" sexual disorders and manifestations, along with their manifestations are defined, along with information on attack and survival to address the increasing number of sexual predator crimes and their "release" in communities. (Ibid.) in Florida, failing to register as a sexual offender is a third degree felony. (Grotto, 2005) Here, as in other states, most offenders remain on the sexual offender registry for life, so the numbers will continue to rise. According to Florida law, crimes used to designate a sexual offender, an individual convicted of one or more specific criminal sexual acts include the following (but are not limited to) ("Sexual Offender..., 2005):

Sexual Battery (including rape and molestation)

Possession or electronic distribution of child pornography.

Electronically encouraging, offering, or soliciting conduct of or with any minor.

Lewd or lascivious offenses committed on, or in the presence of a minor, elderly or disabled person.

Kidnapping, false imprisonment, luring or enticing a child when the victim is a minor.

Other similar crimes in other jurisdictions. (Ibid.) sexual predator, a sexual offender considered to be a "higher risk," constitutes an extreme threat to public safety due to the particulars of their crime(s). These individuals have a specific court finding that designates them to be deemed a sexual predator. Components in the court designation include (Ibid.):

Violent nature of their crime

Number of assailants involved

Number of offenses and victims

Age or impairment of victim

What crime did they commit?

The "One is Enough" designation is used when an offender is convicted of crimes which include, but are not limited to Kidnapping, false imprisonment, sexual battery, lewd and lascivious acts committed upon or in the presence of a child less than 16.

Selling or buying of minors for portrayal in a visual depiction engaging in sexually explicit conduct.

Any other violations of a similar law in another jurisdiction. (Ibid.)

Kansas law copied from Washington's 1990 sexual predator statute states that a sexual predator or sexual offender with a "mental abnormality' making him or her likely to reoffend may be confined indefinitely for treatment." (Modie, 1997) if sexual predators cooperate with treatment, they will likely be returned to society. Involuntary treatment and confinement of sexual predators, Justice Clarence Thomas, contended during 1997, is to protect society and does not violate a person's constitutional right to due process or constitute double punishment. During 2003, in Syracuse, NY, Breidenbach (2003) reports, Governor George Pataki signed a law strengthening penalties against sexual predators and rid NY state laws of archaic words, such as "sodomy." The law, an amendment to the Sexual Assault Reform Act of 2000, also victims pay for emergency room visits. The state, Pataki said, will likely spend between $6 million and $7 million on hospital visits and treatment for victims without insurance coverage. This new law:

Creates a crime called forcible touching, which includes squeezing, grabbing or pinching another person's intimate parts.

Creates the crime of persistent sexual abuse, so someone who repeatedly commits misdemeanor-level sexual offenses can be convicted of a felony.

Creates felony-level penalties for unlawful possession and sale of gamma hydroxybutyric acid, known as GHB, a date-rape drug.

Limits marriage as a defense in incidents of sexual assault committed by a spouse." (Ibid.)

Lakey (1994) stresses that sexual crimes by children against children are rising and notes:.".. A significantly high number of adult sex offenders began their criminal offenses during adolescence." Although it is considered "normal" for an adolescent male to often be self-absorbed, an offender is completely determined to satisfy his needs, disregarding consideration for other individuals. Both a normal male and a sexual offender or perpetrator start to show interest in girls during adolescence. A question for consideration evolves, however, where does normal end and abnormal begin? During this time, an offender is frequently manipulative and opportunistic, while full of inappropriate sexual fantasies he may plan to fulfill. (Ibid.) sexual perpetrator or offender generally possesses few social skills which enable him to initiate and/or maintain positive peer relationships. With no thoughts of building up to a sexual relationship his primary goal becomes; immediate sexual gratification. Normal adolescent rebellion generally remains legal. The sex offender, on the other hand, seeks the thrill of diving into forbidden territories. (Ibid.) Sexual perpetrators are generally socially isolated from their peers and lonely, but instead of trying to interact with peers, they to befriend younger children. These young males are naive and have not received suitable sex education. Their family relations are often disturbed. Juvenile sex offenders experience a variety of mental and emotional problems. They seldom feel empathy for their victims, or remorse after sexually abusing them. They deny offenses they committed or minimize their personal and the damage they inflict on their victims. (Ibid.) Other notable factors for juvenile sex offenders Lakey (Ibid) cites consist of:

Feelings of male inadequacy;

Low self-esteem;

Fear of rejection;

Anger toward women;

Atypical erotic fantasies;

Poor social skills;

Having been sexually abused;

Exposure to adult models of aggression, dominance, and intimidation."

An adolescent sex offender's profile suggests.".. histories of emotional, family and social instabilities, isolation and sexual victimization, and 'an inability to master age-appropriate behavior in the home, school, and community'." Not all adolescent sex offenders, on the other hand, have been sexually abused, but may, in addition to sexually abusing others, steal; vandalize property; set fires and/or engage in other illegal behaviors. The primary element of an adolescent sex offender's profile is cognitive distortion or "thinking errors."

This is manifested by "an undercurrent of misinformation and strange beliefs and attitudes" which form the foundation of "decisions based on faulty perceptions or 'thinking errors'"(Ibid.)

Leo (1996) argues that sexual predators remain confined if they verbalize they intend to murder or rape again or if have a history of rape or murder. Predators Leo (Ibid) notes include: Earl Shriner, who, after stabbing, raping and strangling a 7-year-old boy, cut off the boy's penis and left him for dead. Shriner's crime led to the first sexual predator law, in Washington State, Before being released from prison, Shriner reportedly crafted plans to maim and kill children. In Wyckoff, New Jersey, Donald Chapman served 12 years after being convicted of raping and torturing a young woman (survived). After serving his sentence, Chapman was committed to a state mental institution. Chapman reportedly considers it a personal failure that he allowed his victims to live and has vowed to rape again. (Ibid.)

Westley Dodd was hanged when 3-years-old (California) for torturing, raping, and murdering a 4-year-old boy. Dodd, who killed 3 children, became a sexual predator career when 16-years-old. Psychiatrists and judges repeatedly thought Dodd to be treatable, however, he ultimately stated, "I liked molesting children, and did what I had to do to avoid jail so I could continue molesting.... If I do escape, I promise you I will kill and rape again, and I will enjoy every minute of it." (Ibid.)

Society's Dilemma

David Boerner, author of Washington State's sexual predator law, contends that America's current criminal justice system works as it was designed, on the "debt to society" model. After an offender pays his debt to society by serving time in prison, he/she is "free" until he/she commits another sexual crime. (Ibid.)

Because of court overloads and the fact numerous victims are unwilling to testify, (especially child victims), many serious cases involving sexual predators routinely receive reduced plea-bargained sentences.

Murray (2000) notes some characteristics child molesters and pedophiles share to include:

Most are male; may be heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual.

Some who prefer adult sex partners choose children as children are vulnerable and available.

Ages of perpetrators range from teens to midlife.

Girls are usually the victims.

Perpetrators are usually friends, relatives, or neighbors.

The victim's is frequently the setting for the incident.

When boys are victimized, perpetrators may be strangers and sexual abuse may take place outside the boy's home.

Sexual perpetrators of children regularly contend they were sexually victimized when children.

Psychological profiles prove beneficial, however, are compromised, in part, as numerous perpetrators are incarcerated, a dearth of control groups exist for this research. (Ibid)

Identifying a Sexual Predator

O'Toole (2006) notes that having someone declared a sexual predator presents a challenge, as she reports details of one case, Phill Kline, Kansas Attorney General, filed a petition to have Robert Larson, a 76-year-old, ex-priest, designated a sexual predator. Larson was being released from prison after serving time for child molestation in 2001. When this type petition is granted, an individual may be sent to a sexual predator treatment program. Even after their prison sentences are up, designated sexual predators may be legally held in state mental hospitals and undergo treatment indefinitely. According to the American Medical Association (AMA), sexual abuse of children is the "exploitation of a child for gratification or profit of an adult." (Murray, 2000)

Sexual abuse ranges from exhibiting one's sexual organs; to fondling; to intercourse; to using a child in pornographic material production. Other sexual abuse acts that Murray (Ibid.) cites include the demand or request for nudity,.".. disrobing, exposing genitals, observing a child dressing or bathing, kissing, and digitally or penilely penetrating the rectum or vagina." This researcher finds it interesting tot note that although many more males than females become sexual perpetrators, the impact of childhood sexual abuse on boys has been studied less than the impact on girls. In fact, the primary.".. common characteristic in the psychological profile of pedophilia and child molestation is that the perpetrator is a man." (Ibid). Research contends that a sexual perpetrators' choice of a victim frequently mirrors the same age and sex, as well as, the pattern of sexual abuse the perpetrator experienced in his/her past. Depression, fear, anger and/or anxiety present as the short-term impact of childhood sexual abuse. Although long-term effects have been studied as much, symptoms reportedly decrease the victim discloses the abuse. In numerous studies, adults sexually abused when children stated they did not disclose the abuse. (Ibid.) According to some research, perpetrators have low self-esteem; are weak; shy, nonassertive; passive.

Full Time Scrutiny

We don't trust sexual predators. They have a rate of repeat offenses that is just unacceptable. Their evil tendencies make them untrustworthy," Illinois Senator Bill Haine, D-Alton said. As a result of this concept, Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich signed a new law signed in summer 2006 to begin to keep sexual predators in Illinois under full-time scrutiny and away from potential victims. ("New law...," 2006.) Methods to attempt to keep sexual predators "in check" in Illinois, as well as, in numerous other states include:

Global Positioning System monitoring

Strict guidelines for sex offenders near child care facilities

Prohibiting visitation or custody by a father of a child convicted of sex crimes resulting in the conception of the child

In teacher endorsement or certification, clarification of disclosure of sex offenses. (Ibid.)

Online Sexual Predators

The Journal of the American Medical Association published a study that notes: "One in five young computer users has received some sort of sexual invitation...," with some including explicit offers to meet somewhere and engage in sex. David Finkelhor, researcher (University of New Hampshire) notes that depressed kids who suffer from problems prove to be most vulnerable. (Adams, 2001.)

Although most kids reported sexual invitations did not bother them, law enforcement officials and groups such as the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children are concerned as they attempt to track down online predators. (Ibid.)

Parry Aftab, founder of Cyberangels, an online watchdog group, states, "Sometimes predators will actually go out and farm lists of children by sending out an e-mail to a known 12-year-old as part of a chain letter (who)... send this to three of your best friends...." As girls believe they will have good luck if they send out email to friends; bad luck if they don't, they send the email to friends. In turn, predators use a special code to obtain information regarding recipients who receive circulated email and obtain a list of 12-year-old girls by 12-year-old girls unwittingly helping them. (Ibid).

The Dallas Morning News reports: "Nineteen percent of children between the ages of 10 and 17 have received unwanted sexual solicitations while online or from people who tracked them down through Web profiles, according to the study, published Wednesday in the Journal of the American Medical Association." (Reddy, 2001) This study noted three percent of attempted phone, mail or personal contact attempts to youth were considered aggressive solicitations Girls; alienated, depressed, troubled teens between 14 and 17 may be most vulnerable to online exploitation Also, teens who post personal information, chat with strangers about sex and/or intentionally visit X-rated sites experience higher solicitation rates.

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