China: overview and analysis

China

The Political System of China

The fundamental law in China is the Constitutional System (China Guide 2009). Its present Constitution was adopted by the Fifth National People's Congress on December 4, 1982. The National People's Congress or NPC is the highest state authority, China's fundamental political system. On the other hand, local authorities head local people's congresses. The people elect both state and local authorities. China's central administrative system consists of central administrative organs under the National People's Congress and central administrative organs controlling local administrative organs. The State Council of the People's Republic of China is the central administrative organ and the highest administrative organ of state. Meanwhile, the local administrative system sets up and controls administrative regional divisions and local administrative organs. The Party in Power in China is the Communist Party, in fact, the only power in the People's Republic of China. It was founded in 1921 and established the People's Republic of China in 1949. There are eight other political parties, which can participate in state affairs but under the leadership and supervision of CPC. China's political system consists of a chief executive, administrative organs, a legislative council, and judicial organs China Guide).

The head of state is the President of the People's Republic of China. He serves for five years and not more than two consecutive terms (China Guide 2009). He asserts domestic powers and handles the political affairs of the state. Under him are the civil servants who hold power in state administrative organs. They implement laws and administer public services. Citizens not only vote but also oversee the election procedures, direct and indirect election, election expenditures and penalties for violations. Thickly populated areas are dominated by ethnic minorities. They are self-governed or autonomous but still come under the national leadership. Autonomous provinces are equal to provinces, autonomous prefectures to prefectual-level cities, and autonomous counties to counties. When warranted, the National People's Congress enacts laws to establish special administrative regions (China Guide).

American Political System

The Declaration of Independence of 1776 and the Constitution of 1789 are the foundations of the American political system (Darlington 2009). The Declaration of Independence establishes the United States as an independent political entity. The Constitution provides the basic structure of the federal government. The Constitution is a very stable document, which is quite difficult to change. In more than two centuries, there have been only 17 amendments. Amendments require two-thirds vote of both houses and ae to ratify them. Central to the Constitution is the separation of powers. The three branches of government or institutions share power. These are the executive, the legislative and judicial branches. Not one branch has a monopoly of power under the principle of checks and balances. Each has some authority to act on its own and regulate the other two. The other two have the same powers and the authority to regulate the third branch (Darlington).

Power is not only spread and balanced among the three branches. The Constitution also limits the terms of office to control excesses (Darlington 2009). The President has only four years. The members of the Senate have six-year terms while the members of the House of Representatives have two years. Members of the Supreme Court are duty-bound to serve effectively for life. The intention of the founding fathers who drafted the Constitution was to create a much more democratic political system that the monarchy of Britain. Its great weakness, on the other hand, is a slow, complicated and legalistic bureaucracy (Darlington).

The dominant political parties in the U.S. are the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, which date back to 11824 and 1854, respectively (Darlington 2009). Political parties in the U.S. are weaker than those in other democracies. They are not too active between election periods. And during elections, they are not too influential in campaigning. Elections cost much more in the U.S. than in other democracies. The number of candidates is thus limited. The influence of corporations and pressure groups increases and influences the result of the election. Voters register to support one major party and then vote in primary elections. Their vote selects the party's candidate in the "real" election. American political elections are characterized by low voter turnout and the importance of incumbency. The only exception was the 2008 election of Barack Obama, which garnered 63% turnout, the highest since that of John F. Kennedy in 1960 (Darlington).

The Constitution limits the powers of the federal government and vests a lot on individual sates (Darlington 2009). Every state has its own executive, legislature and judiciary. A governor is the head of each state who is directly elected. The legislature consists of a Senate and a House of Representatives, while the judiciary has a state system of courts. Each of the 50 states is divided into counties. Each county has a court. Local governments determine the dates and times of state and local elections. Debate continues as to whether the federal government should assume a stronger role or that stronger power should remain more in the local governments. But fundamental changes have been evident since the last century, especially since the end of the Second World War. The first is the shift in the balance of power between Congress and the President. It moved towards the President, as can be gleaned from congressional allocations to purposes chosen by the President and the refusal to invoke war despite major military invasions. Others describe the President as "the unitary executive" and "the imperial President." A second is the uncontrolled increase in the funding of political campaigns and of political lobbying. Private finance from big businesses controls the scene. This leads some observers to think that the American political system has become a plutocracy. These businesses strongly influence the creation of policies and practices by candidates they finance. A third is an increase in pork barrel politics through earmarks. And the changing nature of political debate to one more partisan, tribal and polarized. If the politics of most European countries is consensual, that of America has focused more on the demands of a political "base" rather than drawn from the national consensus (Darlington).

The U.S. is said to be a divided democracy (Darlington 2009). Through the separation of powers, its three branches of government are very distinct in terms of power and personalities. Its federal system of government is politically divided by the sharp differences of views in many social issues. Its lack of a clear ideological division between the two major parties created the notion of American exceptionalism. The notion allows America to be vastly different from other democracies. It also means that America is superior to these democracies and other nations for its history, size, wealth and dominance in the world. In an extreme case, it implies that America has been particularly chosen and blessed by God for its "manifest destiny (Darlington)."

Capitalism in China

China has been confined to a thousand-year-old bureaucracy, which always stifled and resisted the emergence of capitalism (Hutchet 2006). That bureaucracy insured longevity and territorial integrity through an authoritarian and predatory stance. But an overwhelming change began occurring since the launching of the economic reform program in 1978. The last three decades became an intense period of economic change never seen in the country since the Opium War of 1842. China was being transformed into a capital system. At this time, the process has penetrated and appears irreversible, although many obstacles and contradictions still exist in the economic system. Among these are the pension and banking system, the governance of state-owned businesses, social inequalities, and environmental degradation (Hutchet).

Capitalism turned out to be the only alternative for the CCP to remain in power (Hutchet 2006). The Party has used capitalism successfully. It perpetuates the Party's dictatorship and offers the different sectors of society minimum political crutch. It assures personal enrichment and the development of economic power, which happens to correspond to the nationalistic aspirations of the elite and the population. Unlike other authoritarian regimes, China opened its door wide to foreign investors. These foreign investors have taken advantage of the social inequalities in China to enhance their networks of international production. The opening up of Chinese economy still does not jibe with the strategies used by the economies in Europe, the U.S., Japan and South Korea at their same stage of development as China's (Hutchet).

The Influence of Imperialism and Colonialism on 21st Century China

World statistics list China as the third biggest trading country with approximately $200 billion trade deficit to the U.S. alone (Shekarabi & Rabii 2007). Its foreign investments corporations in 2001 produced almost half of China's exports. Joining the World Trade Organization or WTO that year required China to abide by world trade rules, perceived by CPP officials as a violation of the sovereignty of China. It was admitted to the WTO that year but not by a unanimous vote. Since that year, Chinese markets, goods and services have been subjects of debate and discussion, which border on China's political and military capability and threat (Shekarabi & Rabii).

The new reform policies set up industries producing appliances, textiles, garments, computers, mobile phones and other inexpensive manufactured goods (Shekarabi & Rabii 2007). While China opened up to foreign investments and the outside world, its leaders assured that the transition to a market-oriented economy would be complemented with policies to promote social stability. As foreign money pours into the Chinese markets, research and development in various fields advance the status of the state and the population. As a consequence of economic growth, improved infrastructure, better public facilities, agriculture, housing and social welfare programs raise the Chinese people's standard of living. Further consequences are a decrease in disease, infant mortality and poverty. New management care techniques and advanced pharmaceuticals are introduced. The massive infusion of trade, commerce, services and new information replaces the obsolete and brings new awareness of other nations, global issues and human rights among the citizens (Shekarabi & Rabii).

Real Democracy?

From his first five years of rule, President Hu Jintao repeatedly stressed the side effects of the economic growth policy introduced during the leadership of Deng Xiaoping in the 89s (Kahn 2007). A great number of workers and peasants failed to benefit from the celebrated economic growth. He urged the Party to provide better state-financed pensions, health care and education to the most disadvantaged sectors. He focused on recentralizing part of the decision-making function, reduce wasteful state investment and reduce the expansion of polluting industries. He agreed that progress had been made, such as the elimination of agricultural taxes and pollution control through strong directives to improved energy use. But he found these changes as only incremental. He swore to follow the principles of Deng and Jiang Zemin. Shifts in the new Politburo Standing Committee did not indicate an imminent agenda for change, if Hu even has one or considers it (Kahn).

A Wrong Paradigm for China

The belief that opening China to trade would eventually turn it into a democracy is a wrong paradigm on which America has been operating (Mann 2007). As things are now, China will certainly be richer and more powerful 30 years from now. Yet by that time, it can remain an autocracy but in another form. Its leader, the CPC, may remain unwilling to tolerate or yield to political opposition as it has been. The concept of China's moving towards political liberalization is an engaging concept because it serves certain interests within American society. But it is not looking at the entire picture. America's current strategy of integration serves only the elite classes in both China and the U.S. It will serve and benefit the American business community and the new class in Chinese cities, which stand to benefit from the trade with the American business community. But this brings no benefit or impact on America's working class, especially those who lost their jobs as a result of the "integration" policy. Neither will it benefit the ordinary Chinese on the other side of the arrangement. China has never been as prosperous as now, but only the urban middle class benefits from that prosperity resulting from the strategy of integration. China's overworked, underpaid factory laborers and peasants in the country are not blessed by it. They are rather restive and disenchanted. And that restiveness and disenchantment prevent them from opening up to any form of democracy. Open and free elections would undoubtedly dislodge Chinese leaders. It is quite clear that democracy is a threat to the existing political and economic order in China. Hence the current regime continues to suppress and repress dissent and political opposition. And this is the reason why the new class of managers and executives who benefit from the new integration strategy side with the regime and its repressive program and stance (Mann).

China's urban residents also tend to reject democracy (Mann 2007). The CPC favors then to those in countryside. This has resulted in waves of protests on the countryside because of land seizures, local taxes, village election disputes and related or similar controversies. The Chinese regime has thus feared mass movements from the countryside because it can undermine the Party's rule. Its more than 70 million members must cling to power and privilege. A stronger economy in recent years would drive empowered economic and social forces to protect the existing order and their own interests. When corruption gets out of hand and incurs public revulsion, the Chinese people could revolt. When the CPC finds they would not be quelled, it could give up. But the Chinese middle class could align with the military. The military might adopt another form of authoritarian regime in order to keep the economy running. That would not be a democracy. Putting off the democracy ideal for a future timetable would not work, either. By then, China would be even wealthier and more well-entrenched and can oppose democracy even more powerfully. It would be so well integrated in the world financial and diplomatic systems that no international initiative could be powerful enough to counter China's political system (Mann).