Constructivism and Feminism Ideas Identity and Gender

Feminism and International Relations

Tickner discusses Morgenthau's 'six principles of political realism', refuting the notion that international politics is a realistic, masculine domain. Tickner offers a feminist perspective on Morgenthau's theory. She believes that the fundamental flaw in Morgenthau's article is that it is defined by masculinity. She argues that men are overrepresented in the upper levels of international politics, specifically the realms of the military, diplomacy, and science. Women are making strides but not enough are advancing to the upper echelons. If a woman were to advance high enough, she would find herself in a hostile environment. Tickner (2012)writes on why international politics is dominated by men, she argues that the language is masculinized, women are portrayed as more apt to domestic interests, and that the world of international politics and academia is inhospitable to women.

Tickner (2012) summarizes Morgenthau's six points. The first point is that politics is ruled by objective laws. Second, interest is defined in regards to power, and it injects rationality into politics and negates the necessity of emotion. Third, power is the control of one man over another and is also an objective concept. Four, there is strain between morality and the necessities of political action. Five, morality is universal but self-interest is necessary at the state level. Six, human nature a pluralistic concept is the basis of political realism. After summarizing his points, Tickner (2012) makes the argument that his principles including his language are an incomplete description of international relations. She believes that his assumptions also benefit masculinity. Feminists, according to Tickner (2012), believe knowledge is socially constructed. She says that knowledge is socially constructed and that language transmits knowledge, making it vital to critique the words of Morgenthau. Objectivity, at least how Morgenthau presents it, is associated with masculinity, something absolute while subjectivity is feminine and irrational. Tickner says "women are socialized into a mode of thinking which contextual and narrative rather than formal and abstract" (Tickner, 2012). It is important to note how objectivity is a fundamental aspect of realism.

Morgenthau's ideal politician ("political man") is immoral and objective. He is unchained by the constraints of morality. This indicates Morgenthau's acceptance of Hobbesian competition for power between states on an international level. Yet, according to Tickner these bleak view on humanity and international relations ignores the role of cooperation and collective self-reliance. These concepts are not masculine, but more in tune with the feminist approach to international relations. Toward the end of the article, Tickner acknowledges Morgenthau's arguments; she is simply adding a new dimension to the realm of international relations.

Wendt's principal argument in Anarchy Is What States Make of It is that anarchy is a part of the world's structure, and nations/politicians agree how to operate within this realm. Interests and identity are dependent on individual, domestic, systemic, or transnational factors. States identify themselves through their interactions with other states. It is through these interactions that a state defines a friend or enemy. For example, two countries meeting for the first time would try to "size each other up," to learn more about one another. The interactions between both parties would be reciprocal, and through this interaction it is creating social structures, in which the respective parties form their identities. Realism, according to Wendt (2012), does not properly explain this notion. Neoliberalism fails because it seeks to explain cooperation by focusing on the process but not accounting for systemic variables. Constructivism is overly concerned with philosophical debates on knowledge without examining how identities are formed in reality (Wendt, 2012).

Wendt (2012) uses the constructivist approach to the idea of self-help. International organizations can alter state identities and interests. Self-help, as defined by realists, is derived from the collaboration of the actors in the system, not from anarchy. This contradicts the realist perspective that anarchy is the principal driving force behind all interactions. Wendt goes on to say that states communicate with one another and self-help can be categorized on the results of those interactions. The interaction, itself, is defined by process, not structure (Wendt, 2012).