Cyprus the Island of Cyprus

Cyprus

The island of Cyprus is located at a very important geo-strategic position in the Mediterranean region. It is situated in the northeastern corner of the Mediterranean Sea and is the third largest island in that area (approximately 3,572 square miles) subsequent to Sicily and Sardinia. "Cyprus is an island located in the northeastern corner of the Mediterranean Sea 40 miles, south of Turkey, 60 miles west of Syria and Lebanon, 240 miles north of Egypt, and about 500 miles from the Greek mainland. It is 140 miles long from east to west and about 40 miles wide from north to south. The total population of the island at the end of 1971 was estimated to be 640,000, of which 78% were Greek Cypriots and 18% were Turkish Cypriots; the remaining 4% belonged to various minority groups (unknown, 1971)."

Greek Cypriots (approximately 78% of the population) are the successors of the Greek pioneers and colonists, who had immigrated to this island between the 12TH and the 14TH century and had presented the Hellenic culture. Phoenicians emigrated from the coastal regions of Syria and Achaean from the Greek mainland, after the immigration and occupation of Greek Cypriots. A well-known author, Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978), having profound knowledge on this subject writes, "The Greek colonists on the island came from the south coast of Asia Minor and Aegean Islands. Phoenicians settled on Cyprus about 1000 B.C. The first Greek population spoke an Arcado-Dorian dialect of Greek, which later merged with the Hellenic Koine, the present dialect of the island. Today, the Greek language and the Christian Orthodox religion are the major factors that identify the Greek Cypriots with the rest of the Hellenic world. Turkish Cypriots are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi sect. The original Turkish Cypriot settlers were principally drawn from the Lala Mustafa Pasha's soldiers, thirty thousand of whom were given fiefs on the island by Sultan Selim II. Turkish Cypriots have a strong cultural, historical, and nationalistic attachment to Turkey (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 3)."

It is worth noting here that the relationship of Greece and Turkey has never seen a positive period. Furthermore, the relationship got a severe blow after the independence of Greece. Ali writes, "After gaining independence in the 1820s, Greece pursued an irredentist Panhellenic policy, known as the 'Megali Idea', which aimed at unifying all Greeks and resurrecting the Byzantine Empire. This policy led the Greeks to make incessant territorial claims on the Ottoman Empire

As a result, the establishment of nation-states in the Balkans resulted in territorial losses on the part of the Ottoman Empire. It also caused massive relocations of peoples, and an extreme use of force became common practice between different ethnic communities. Implications of this Balkan version of nationalism has left its mark on present Turkish-Greek relations, creating a mutual distrust between the two nations and complicating the settlement of the Aegean and Cyprus disputes. (Ali L, 2000)."

This paper analyzes the invasion of Turkey into Cyprus from the perspective of its impact on the lives of the different ethnic groups residing in Cyprus. This is important because from the above mentioned facts, it is clear that the present political turmoil has its roots deeply entrenched in the historical and cultural roots and by understanding the impact of the invasion on the people's lives, one can repair the damage done.

The lives of the people before the invasion

Many political pundits thought that Cyprus can be independent only on paper and that giving it autonomy will endanger the lives of the inhabitants of this island. The two main ethnic groups had been unwilling to lay aside their differences and work towards the growth and development of Cyprus nationalism. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "Since 1964, the two communities have become steadfast in their determination to remain two distinct societies and have shown little desire to have a common government. After the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, the objective of national self-preservation, the willingness to survive, and the zeal to create a national homogeneity for the preservation of territorial integrity or independence did not become the common interest of the two communities (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 25)." The cultural values of these two major Cypriot communities are mentioned below:

The Ethnic background: Both these communities belong to the same race but identify themselves to be of a dissimilar social class. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "Greeks and Turks both belong to the Caucasian race but are of different ethnic backgrounds. The Greek Cypriots identify themselves with the Hellenistic past, and the Turkish Cypriots are direct descendents of the Ottoman Turkish conquerors (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 25)."

Religion: Religion has had a great role to play in the Cyprus crisis because both these communities practiced different religions, originating from their respective ethnic backgrounds. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "The Greek Cypriots are followers of the Greek Orthodox Church. The church directs the Greek schools and enhances the Greco-Byzantine tradition. The church preserves and fosters the national sentiment against the Turks. The Turkish Cypriots belong to the Sunni sect of the Muslim religion. Both organized religions support the national policies of Greece and Turkey (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 25)."

Language: Both the communities speak different set of languages emerging from their ethnic background. The languages spoken by the Greek settlers had been considered to be the national language. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) reveals, "The first Greek settlers on Cyprus spoke an Achaia-Dorian dialect of Greek, which later merged with the Hellenic Koine, the present dialect of the island. The Turkish Cypriots speak Turkish, or as some scholars prefer to call it, Ottoman Turkish. Some members of the two communities have mastered English, Greek, and Turkish and use all three languages extensively. It has also been the policy of some high schools to offer all three languages to their students. After the independence of Cyprus, the official languages of the republic were Greek and Turkish (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 25)."

Culture: Both the communities had been greatly influenced by the culture of their respective ethnicities. The Turkish Cypriots had been influenced by the cultural norms of Turkey and the Greek Cypriots had been influenced by the cultural norms of Greece. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) reveals, "The two communities are greatly influenced by the folkways, customs, and institutions of their respective mother countries, and this in turn perpetuates the ideals of Hellenism and Kemalism on the island. Dwelling together in some areas of the island did cause some Cypriots to assimilate to some extent each other's customs, mores, habits, and other behavior patterns, but for the most part members of the two communities retain their ethnic and cultural separation, and this has been reinforced since 1964 (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 25 & 26)."

Allegiance: Both the communities showed more loyalty towards their mother country than towards Cyprus. This is clear from the fact that not only the flags of Greece and Turkey had been more evident than the flags of Cyprus but also the national anthem of Greece and Turkey had been played as no efforts had been made to create a national anthem of Cyprus. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) reveals, "The Cyprus government has not undertaken a program to capture the minds of the young Cypriots so that it may lay the foundation for Cypriotism. The sense of Cypriotism would contribute to domestic peace and the establishment of an independent state. The lack of a unified people will frustrate all attempts to create a national homogeneity (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 26)."

Traditions: While the traditions of both the communities are different, they do have some commonality. But these commonalities are completely ignored by both these communities. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) reveals, "Some practices are common to both communities, but the majority of the traditions are identified with one or the other ethnic group. Aside from rare exceptions, the two communities do not intermarry and ostracize those who do (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 26)."

Literature: Both the communities had been influenced by the books printed, published and imported for Greece and Turkey, respectively. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) had interviewed Glatkos Clerides in 1972 and revealed his thoughts about the literature present in Cyprus. He writes, Glatkos Clerides..."expressed an unfavorable opinion of the fact that the majority of Greek and Turkish Cypriot students continue their education at universities in their respective mother countries. He felt that the university courses of Greece and Turkey were too subjective and had a great impact on the national sentiments of the Cypriot graduates. The Cypriot university graduates from Greece and Turkey, when compared with the university graduates from the other countries, had stronger partisan feelings. This emotional commitment to Hellenism and Kemalism undermines all efforts to pursue the idea of Cypriotism (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 26)."

Unity: The unwillingness of both the communities to aspire a united Cyprus had left many huge gaps that could not be easily be filled because both the community identified their unity with their ethnicities. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "There is a lack of striving among the Cypriots to live under one state. There is also physical separation of the Greeks and Turks in some towns and villages, which has been intensified since the communal hostilities in December, 1963. In 1960 Cyprus had 619 villages, out of which 393 were primarily Greek, 120 Turkish, and 106 were mixed (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 27)."

Equality: Both the communities thought that they belonged to the superior ethnicity and that they have superior rights. Both communities had been unwilling to recognize the rights of others. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "Citizens of the two communities are unwilling to recognize their equality as Cypriot citizens. The average Greek and Turk have stereotyped images of one another: Greeks view the Turks as intruders, brutal barbarians, and the Turks view the Greeks as selfish, degenerate cowards. The literature of the two communities illustrates that each considers its race to be superior and more civilized (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 27)."

Patriotism: While, both the communities express their love for Cyprus, they demonstrate their utmost loyalty, faithfulness and love for their respective ethnicities. "The public spirit for the love of Cyprus and Cypriotism is absent. Citizens of the two communities love the island, but their supreme loyalty and allegiance is to their respective fatherlands. The Greek and Turkish Cypriots are too preoccupied with strengthening bonds with Greece and Turkey. Some educators of the two communities are opposed to the promotion of Cypriotism and press for either Hellenism of Cyprus to achieve enosis or Kemalism to attain Taksim. Both groups are chauvinistic in their attempts to reach their objectives. The leaders of the two communities are erecting monuments glorifying the heroes of their own people all over the island. Their oratory at national holidays of Greece and Turkey dissipates all hope for Cypriotism (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 27)."

The lives of the people after the invasion

Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974 and had been successful in occupying approximately 40% of the territory. This resulted in a massive movement of Turkish Cypriots from the Turkish-minority areas to Turkish-majority areas. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) provides an in-depth view of this movement. He writes, "After the invasion of Cyprus by Turkey on July 20, 1974, the Turks occupied 40% of the island and expelled the Greek Cypriots from their homes. The Turkish objective is to settle Turkish Cypriot refugees on the lands occupied by its military forces. Since the inter-communal hostilities of 1963, approximately 20,000 Turkish Cypriots have been moved from about one hundred villages to the Turkish sectors and have been taken care of by the Turkish government. Following the coup against President Makarios, which failed because of the Turkish invasion, thousands of Turkish Cypriots, seeking security and refuge, moved from their homes to the Turkish sectors in the southern part of the island. The Turkish Cypriot refugees consider their settlement in the northern part of Cyprus to be permanent (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 116)."

The invasion also allowed the Turks to establish their authority on the Greeks. They disallowed the Greek refugees from entering the lands that they had occupied. This is because the Greeks had threatened to wage war against not only the Turkish Cypriots, but also Turkey. Furthermore, both communities of Cyprus started looking up to the Americans for political rewards and punishments. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "The Turks thus hope that the strain of caring for 180,000 refugees will weaken Greek resolve and that Greece will be forced to accept establishment of a bizonal federation on Cyprus. The Greeks, however, hope that American pressure on Turkey will weaken Turkish intransigence. President Makarios is adamantly opposed to a federal system, but Glafkos Clerides is more reconciled to acceptance of the geographical separation of the two communities under their own separate governing systems (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 117)."

When the Greek Cypriots had been in command (that is, before the invasion), they did not allow political safeguards for the Turkish Cypriots and the Turks had exhibited the same attitude towards the Greek Cypriots after the invasion. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "A unitary system under Greek Cypriot domination with constitutional safeguards for the Turkish Cypriots has been strongly rejected. From 1964 to 1974 the Greek Cypriots did not exhibit a sincere enough interest to gain the trust of the Turkish Cypriots. Therefore, the Turkish Cypriots fear that a unified state under the reign of the majority will relegate them once again to an inferior position and Hellenize the island. The Turkish Cypriots are in favor of a local autonomy within a bizonal federation. Under the bizonal federation, each ethnic group would administer its own internal affairs, while having a common external policy. The Greek leadership's attempt to return to the situation that existed prior to 1974 or prior to 1964 is futile. The Turkish Cypriots, with the strong military backing of Turkey, refuse to be relegated to political impotence under a unified system (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 117)."

The economic cooperation between the Turks and the Greeks had been considered to be important because of the emerging threat of communism. Therefore, both communities had been asked to settle their differences amicably so that the communists do not take advantage of this position. Halil Ibrahim Salih (1978) writes, "Greco-Turkish economic cooperation and military alliance are of paramount importance for their sovereign independence against the Soviet Union's imperialism." Both the communities had been, "forced to reevaluate their placing complete dependence for security on the United States because of the American refusal to prevent the communist onslaught against the South Vietnamese in 1975. As stated in Kissinger book American Foreign Policy, (1969): 'Regional groupings supported by the United States will have to take over major responsibility for their immediate areas, with the United States being more concerned with the overall framework of order than with the management of every regional enterprise (Halil Ibrahim Salih, page 117).'"