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The difficulty of defining the term "internationalization" is the final subject tackled in this chapter (Knight 1999). An adequate job of explaining its meaning in the context of higher education practice and policy is made implicit throughout the chapter, so it is unclear why Knight struggles so here. In general, however, the concepts are clear if a little broad and empirically difficult to verify.
Turpin, T.; Iredale, R. & Crinnion, P. (2002). "The internationalization of higher education: Implications for Australia and its higher education 'clients.'" Minerva 40: pp. 327-40.
The authors of this article examine the issue of internationalization in higher education not simply from the perspective of the boon it will provide to profits for higher education institutions and the government, nor for the increased sense of global community and information flow that it both indicates and facilitates, but...
2002). The increase not only of students who ravel to foreign countries, but also who utilize higher education through new communication means such as the Internet, is changing not simply the way that higher education is delivered but the population, in both absolute and proportional terms, that the education is being delivered too (Turpin et al. 2002).
These changes do not necessarily promote an increased quality in higher education, nor does it bode well for Australian students who pay far less than international students, often nothing at all, for their higher education (Turpin et al. 2002). The shifting focus to international education means national students might get left out, and the authors' objectivity in this regard lends a…
Turpin, T.; Iredale, R. & Crinnion, P. (2002). "The internationalization of higher education: Implications for Australia and its higher education 'clients.'" Minerva 40: pp. 327-40.
The authors of this article examine the issue of internationalization in higher education not simply from the perspective of the boon it will provide to profits for higher education institutions and the government, nor for the increased sense of global community and information flow that it both indicates and facilitates, but rather from a more pragmatic and in some ways pessimistic view of how this will change the very quality ad principles of higher education -- and has begun to do so already (Turpin et al. 2002). The increase not only of students who ravel to foreign countries, but also who utilize higher education through new communication means such as the Internet, is changing not simply the way that higher education is delivered but the population, in both absolute and proportional terms, that the education is being delivered too (Turpin et al. 2002).
These changes do not necessarily promote an increased quality in higher education, nor does it bode well for Australian students who pay far less than international students, often nothing at all, for their higher education (Turpin et al. 2002). The shifting focus to international education means national students might get left out, and the authors' objectivity in this regard lends a great deal of reliability to their article.
Executive Branch Authority to Conduct Foreign Affairs Executive Power is vested in the President of the United States by Article II of the Constitution. Article II, Section 1, Clause 1 of the American Constitution, called the 'Executive Vesting Clause' has been the constant focus of constitutional analysis, even at the time of its ratification. James Madison and Alexander Hamilton famously debated this clause in 1793, on the specific issue of residual
S. financial institutions and private investors. France and Britain utilized U.S. loans to pay for their part of the war with Germany. Both countries bought large quantities of all types of arms from us on credit. Those loans have to be paid back, or, with or without a military defeat, the U.S. financial and economic situation would become desperate. Third, and probably the most significant reason that the United States must enter
Foreign Policy of President Reagan Before the disastrous Vietnam War, the U.S. held an undisputed dominant position worldwide, recognized locally as well as by other nations. The nation's historic actions towards defending freedom, by restraining the fascist faction during the Second World War, followed by organizing a large free-state coalition for combating communism, were supported by profound and sweeping domestic consensus. This consensus was destroyed by America's decision to wage war
Foreign Policy of China (Beijing consensus) Structure of Chinese Foreign Policy The "Chinese Model" of Investment The "Beijing Consensus" as a Competing Framework Operational Views The U.S.-China (Beijing consensus) Trade Agreement and Beijing Consensus Trading with the Enemy Act Export Control Act. Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act Category B Category C The 1974 Trade Act. The Operational Consequences of Chinese Foreign Policy The World Views and China (Beijing consensus) Expatriates The Managerial Practices Self Sufficiency of China (Beijing consensus) China and western world: A comparison The China (Beijing
S. directly. Evidently, the long-term objectives indirectly face the smooth running of the U.S. government. Priority should be given to those aspects that will pull the resources of the country to extreme levels. The U.S. As a super-power is privileged when tackling issues affecting other nations; it is mandated to help developing long-term solutions. Long-term also implies that the impacts and effects need to be widespread in order to maintain balance
Foreign Policy Nixon's Detente Description Detente was a cooling down, or thaw, among America, Russia and China's arms' race (Detente). The United States and Russia could either slow their weapons production or continue the arms race, which, people feared could end in a devastating war (Detente, CNN). Nixon and Henry Kissinger worked secretly on Detente at summit meetings in Beijing and Moscow. President Gerald Ford signed on to Detente in Helsinki in 1975.