Positive Contributions and Negative Effects

¶ … Positive Contributions and Negative Effects of After-School Programs for Migrant Students

Positive Contributions of After-School Programs for Migrant Students. Frequent mobility by itself causes numerous difficulties because of days lost moving between schools and the lack of curriculum continuity. Together, poverty and mobility are a combination that can have a lethal impact on the educational aspirations of migrant children. And with the vast majority of migrant students coming from homes where a language other than English is spoken, effective teaching and learning faces an even more formidable challenge (Troja, 2004).

The migrant child population, however large it is, is both a homogenous and heterogeneous group-alike in the sense that a majority of them are, or are descendants of, Mexican-American immigrants, but widely different because the total includes relatively small numbers of many minorities-Haitians, Puerto Ricans, African-Americans, poor Whites, Vietnamese, Cambodians, and even Eastern European refugees. Clearly, neither race, language, nor nationality determines one's status for the MEP. Neither is it poverty per se. It is only mobility-in the specific sense outlined in the statute-that makes a child eligible for the program (Branz-Spall et al. 2002). By definition, then, the examination of the positive and negative outcomes that are associated with after-school programs for migrant students is challenged by the fact that these young learners move frequently and there are few studies available concerning them. In the United States, the law defines the term "migratory child" to mean:

1. . . . A child who is, or whose parent, spouse or guardian is, a migratory agricultural worker, including a migratory dairy worker, or a migratory fisher, and who, in the preceding 36 months, in order to obtain or accompany such parent, spouse or guardian in order to obtain, temporary or seasonal employment in agricultural or fishing work,

2. Has moved from one school district to another;

3. In a state that is comprised of a single school district, has moved from one administrative area to another within such district; or

4. Resides in a school district of more than 15,000 square miles, and migrates a distance of 20 miles or more to a temporary residence to engage in a fishing activity. (Migrant Education Program, P.L. 107-110, Title I, Part C, Section 1309)

It is possible, though, to discern the positive and negative contributions of after-school programs for this population by examining how well such initiatives satisfy evidence-based criteria for effective after-school programs and what features characterize effective vs. ineffective approaches. Some of the features of the alternative types of common activities that are provided in many after-school programs include the following:

1. Playing games and sports;

2. Watching movies;

3. Exercising;

4. Singing;

5. Dancing; and,

6. Cooking (Soukup, Schilling, Stelzer, Scott, Crawford, Kahan et al., 2006).

All of these activities provide migrant students with the opportunity to interact with their mainstream peers in ways that might not otherwise ever be available to them; during this interaction, all students will learn to appreciate, respect and better understand the cultural differences among themselves (Soukup et al., 2006). Interestingly, research (discussed further below) has shown that irrespective of program content, the increased social interaction that takes place in after-school programs promotes improved academic outcomes and school attendance. While there is some disagreement concerning whether after-school programs should be extensions of the school-day curriculum or just "fun" activities, there is widespread agreement among educators that if young learners do not like the after-school program, they will not return. For instance, Garner et al. emphasize that, "If children do not like an after-school program's activities or staff, they will stop coming. If they stop coming, they may drift into some variety of self-care" (2002, p. 5).

For migrant students, then, the decision to provide curricular offerings, physical fitness/sports activities or just "fun" activities such as movies or games, will depend on the unique mix of students that are present at any given point in time. Because this mixture of migrant students in the classroom at any given point in time is highly dynamic, is it important for teachers to remain flexible concerning their after-school program offerings and tailor them to the current blend of migrant student preferences (Soukup et al., 2006).

Negative Effects of After-School Programs for Migrant Students. The only negative effect identified in the existing body of literature concerning migrant students was the potential effect on family income. Because migrant students are children of migrant workers, family income levels are low and the labor of every family member is frequently required to survive (Branz-Spall et al., 2002). In addition, it is possible that thrusting young migrant students into after-school programs can have a potential negative effect by exacerbating any existing psychosocial problems that are characteristic of many migrant students. For instance, Branz-Spall and his colleagues emphasize that, "Most important, in many instances the education of migrant children is interrupted by their migrancy. In other situations, though their education may not be interrupted, their transience creates dislocation, disorientation, and significant educational disadvantages" (2002, p. 56). Therefore, identifying how after-school programs in general have succeeded or failed in various settings can help inform this practice and these issues are discussed further below.

In-Depth Examination of the Successes and Failures of After-School Programs to Date

Although after-school programs differ from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, the share the common features of having the overarching goal of providing young learners with an alternative to self-care in a safe environment (Garner, Zhao & Gillingham, 2002). Beyond this commonality, after-school programs across the country vary in many ways, including their offerings, personnel and most especially, the venue in which they are provided. This point is made by Jones and Compton who report that, "Over 1.7 million children leave school to attend an after-school program while their parents are working. Thousands of these after-school programs are housed in nearby churches, recreation centers, and school cafeterias" (2003, p. 275).

Therefore, one measure of a successful after-school program is the degree to which the environment they provide keeps children from harm's way.

Other ways of measuring the success of a given after-school program is how well it satisfies the specific needs of the school district in which it functions. For instance, in some communities, young learners may suffer from a high incidence of obesity and physical fitness-related activities and sports might be considered most beneficial for after-school programs; in others, young learners -- especially migrant students -- might require additional assistance with English language instruction, mathematics or otherwise. To the extent that after-school programs satisfy these academic need can be considered a degree of their success, an assertion that is congruent with Garner et al.'s observation that, "In general, after-school programs exist to keep kids safe while parents are at work. In recent years, however, parents, schools, governments, and communities have begun to expect the after-school program to teach the social and emotional skills that schools lack time for during the academic day" (2003, p. 275). Although there remains a paucity of timely and relevant studies concerning the effectiveness of after-school programs in general and a virtual absence of such studies concerning migrant students, Kail (2005) reports that students who participated in a middle school after school recreation and physical activities program actually performed better academically and had higher attendance rates at their regular day-time classes compared to their peers who did not participate, suggesting a relationship between the enhanced social interactions and physical fitness that resulted from participation and overall improved academic outcomes.

Another measure of the degree to which after-school programs satisfy the needs of a given population is their accessibility, a factor that is particularly challenging for many rural school districts that might have large populations of migrant students by virtue of their agricultural base, and most after-school programs are only offered in higher-density population areas such as inner-city settings. In this regard, Garner et al. add that most after-school programs "are concentrated in urban and suburban areas, so many small towns do not have them. Small and widely scattered populations and high transportation costs are obstacles" (2002, p. 5). These constraints, though, do not mean that even small school districts are unable to provide effective after-school programs. By drawing on the resources that exist in the local community, innovative approaches to program delivery can be developed. For instance, Jones and Compton (2003) report that, "There are a variety of organizations running after-school programs. Some are grassroots and specific to one school or community; others are part of a national organization. The national organizations running after-school programs might lease, rent, or receive rent-free the use of the school building for the program" (p. 37).

Beyond partnering with national organizations, the variety of community-based resources provided by church, community education, or school district nonprofit community-based organizations that exist across the country typically include the following:

1. Early childhood care and education centers;

2. University cooperative extension education;

3. Parks and recreation departments; or,

4. Other youth-serving organizations (Jones & Compton, 2003).

In fact, community colleges and university cooperative extension education centers have been used to good effect in provided migrant students with English language instruction throughout California, a state where the prevalence of migrant workers is high and where the need for English as a second language assistance is also consistently high (Lomeli, Perks, Basurto & Padilla, 2006). Since 2005, hundreds of California state teachers have participated in this initiative and provided thousands of hours of English instruction to migrant students (Lomeli et al., 2006).

Given the wide array of resources that are available for after-school venues, it is not surprising that their numbers have increased in recent years with higher numbers of students participating each year, but the frequency of their operation also varies from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. Consequently, another measure of the successfulness of a given after-school program for migrant students is its frequency. According to Zhang and Byrd, "With such a variety of locations, the number of after-school programs has increased in all major urban areas, and youth participation in these programs strengthens every year. Indeed, it is currently estimated that approximately 25 to 30% of American youths spend between three and five afternoons each week in organized after-school programs" (2005, p. 6).

According to Dietal (2009), students participating in effective after-school programs that offer services three to five times a week achieve significantly higher math, science, and reading grades compared to nonparticipating peers and those students who participating in five or more of the activities offered by the after-school programs attained higher reading scores compared to nonparticipants as well as other after-school program participants who participated in fewer than five activities. Based on these findings, Dietal concludes that, "Measuring breadth of activities, together with intensity and duration, seems a worthwhile approach to future after-school evaluations" (2009, p. 63).

Another study by Frankel and Daly (2007) used attendance intervals in their evaluation of the Beyond the Bells Partner Agencies after-school program. These researchers identified a relationship between after-school attendance and higher scores in math and language arts, as well as attendance at regularly scheduled day-time school (Frankel & Daly, 2007). The after-school program, though, became ineffective when students failed to attend a minimum number of activities throughout the school year, with higher ineffectiveness rates for younger students (Frankel & Daly, 2007). For instance, elementary students who failed to attend at least 100 days' of after-school activities and middle-school students who failed to attend at least 50 days' worth of after-school activities did not achieve the higher scores in math and language arts identified in other program participants (Frankel & Daly, 2007).

Beyond the foregoing attributes of successful and unsuccessful after-school programs, it is also possible to gauge successful initiatives by determining their degree of responsiveness to the changing needs of their migrant students. In this regard, Zhang and Byrd emphasize that, "Although there is no single formula for establishing quality after-school programs, successful programs typically combine academic, recreational, physical, and artistic elements within a curriculum designed to engage youths in a variety of structured and supervised activities" (2005, p. 6).

One such after-school program that could be readily tailored to the needs of migrant students that has proven effectiveness is Project ESTRELLA (Encouraging Students through Technology to Reach High Expectations in Learning, Life skills, and Achievement); a 5-year initiative, Project ESTRELLA is among four other initiatives examining the efficacy of applying technology specifically to the problems faced by migrant students sponsored by the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Migration Education (Branz-Spall et al., 2002).