Political Science Inequality, Voting and American Democracy.

Political Science

Inequality, Voting and American Democracy. The American political system has always prevented electoral participation by certain social groups, especially those with the fewest resources. The obstacles to participation have changed over time and today formal barriers to participation have largely disappeared. Nevertheless, voting turnout has declined over the twentieth century, and the poor and less educated continue to vote at a lower rate than those who are wealthier and better educated. Discuss:

Past and Present Barriers to Electoral Participation. In reality, virtually every society has some type of framework in place to ensure that some people are "more equal" than others, even if these conventions are not codified in the nation's laws. The United States is no exception, although to the extent that such practices exist in this country is the extent to which the 14th Amendment is abrogated. Nevertheless, history has shown time and again that those in power will attempt to ensure that they stay in power by whatever means necessary. For example, in his book, Colorblind Injustice: Minority Voting Rights and the Undoing of the Second Reconstruction, Kousser (1999) points out that U.S. Senate investigations in 1877 and 1878 clearly documented flagrant white supremacist violence by the Ku Klux Klan and others that kept many blacks from the polls. "Racially discriminatory voting restrictions and facially neutral laws administered in a discriminatory fashion discouraged others," they report, "and blatant ballot box stuffing and fraudulent counting negated the votes of many who managed to overcome other obstacles to voting.... It was neither conservative honor nor self-interest but the continued struggles of African-Americans and their liberal white allies that preserved partial black suffrage for so long" (22). Until 1965, in fact, the individual states were free to establish whatever ballot qualifications they chose for their voters (Cain & Miller 110).

According to these authors, (1998), the passage of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) in 1965 served as a powerful tool for overcoming many past obstacles to voting for minority groups that existing in the past. "Initially and dramatically," they say, "the ban on literacy tests, poll taxes, and other obstacles to enfranchisement led to the registration of over a half million new southern black voters within two years of the VRA's enactment in 1965" (Cain & Miller 141). Notwithstanding the progress made to date in reforming the voting laws that prevented marginalized citizens from actively participating in the electoral process, a number of constraints continue to preclude many people in the U.S. from voting; these issues are discussed further below.

Why Some Citizens are Less Likely to Vote. A common phrase heard during the past presidential election (or two, or three) was "I don't like either of these candidates, but ____ [fill-in-the-blank] appears to represent the lesser of two evils" (or words to that effect). In the American two-part political system where the winner is undoubtedly going to be yet another rich, white male candidate for the foreseeable future, some people may question whether their individual interests can represent any sort of important constituency for such candidates. According to Winders (1996), "In the 1996 U.S. presidential election, a mere 49% of the voting-age population went to the polls. Not since 1924 had a majority of eligible voters abstained from a presidential election. This historic low turnout is part of a larger decline that began in the 1960s" (833). In this regard, there are generally two types of factors that have been used to explain why some citizens are less likely to vote than others:

1) individual attributes, such as demographics, individual attitudes, and cultural values; and, 2) political institutions, including political systems, party structures, and election procedures (Winders 834).

Winders adds yet another factor to explain this historic discrepancy in voter turnout: "Fluctuations of voter turnout throughout U.S. history are partly a function of ongoing class struggles" (834). Three fundamental processes are involved in this class struggle that have affected voter turnout throughout U.S. history:

1) conflict and consolidation among dominant class segments;

2) social movements; and, 3) demobilization of and by political parties (Winders 834).

As the foregoing social forces ebb and flow in their respective balances of influence, their ability to affect the outcome of elections is increased or decreased according to their ability to consolidate power in their own camps. Although grass roots organizations can sway a local constituency, in order for these forces to assume any real influence, there must be a widespread movement involved. For instance, coordinated properly, "These processes affect the amount of political mobilization," Winders says, "thereby guiding the significant shifts in turnout" (834). While many reforms have been enacted and even more envisioned in recent years, much of the Old Guard approach to candidate selection remains in place that affects voter turnout as well. According to Steger, the various voting reforms over the past three decades or so have provided additional opportunities for lesser known and outsider candidates in the presidential nominating process; however, these opportunities have not endured. "The shift to open and binding primaries and the proliferation of candidate-centered campaigns to compete in those primaries," he says, "changed the resources and strategies needed by candidates seeking a major party's presidential nomination" (727). In the 1970s, for example, the ability of a presidential candidate to secure a party's nomination depended on the ability of the candidate to obtain commitments from party leaders who were responsible for selecting delegates to the national convention. "In the post-reform era," Steger points out, "candidates must appeal to large numbers of potential primary voters" (728).