History of Canadian labour: gains and changes from 1940 to 1975

History Of Canadian Labour: The Gains and Changes of the Working Class And Labour Movement Has

Made Between 1940 And 1975

The objective of this work is to analyze the extent to which workers made gains, and the ways in which the working class and labor movement changed between 1940 and 1975. This work will discuss the origins of the post-war collective bargaining system, the steel strike of 1946, the labor movement in Quebec, ethnically split labor markets, immigrant working women, civil service organizing, the postal strike of 1965, and the generational conflict in the labor movement of the 1960s.

GROWTH in UNION MEMBERSHIP and the LABOUR MOVEMENT

The work of MacDowell (1987) entitled: "The Formation of Canadian Industrial Relations System During World War Two" states that the years during the war for Canada were years characterized by "antagonistic labor-government relations and serious industrial unrest..." While union membership and the labour movement experienced growth before the war began during the war, "union membership more than doubled, so that by 1946 there were 832,000 organized employees engaged in collective bargaining." (McDowell, 1987) the labour market conditions during the 1940s were of the nature that "produced higher wages, rising expectations and demands for better working conditions." (McDowell, 1987) However, wages did not rise as quickly as workers had hoped and this combined with insecurities related to the "tight labour market, the rising cost of living, and their experiences during the Depression..." resulted in workers joining unions." (McDowell, 1987) Employer resistance met the increase in organizational activity resulting in "unprecedented levels of industrial conflict." (McDowell, 1987)

II. GOVERNMENT LEGISLATION - SUPPORTS COLLECTIVE BARGAINING

In 1944, the government passed legislation that supported collective bargaining that slowed down the increasing number of strikes and the workers involved as well as man-days lost. Trade unionism' growth during the course of the war brought about structural changes in "the movement itself which had both organizational and political ramifications." (McDowell, 1987) the unions that were stated to be the "most effective" were those that were organized "on a craft basis. These craft skills could not be easily acquired so that by controlling the supply of labour and eliminating competition between tradesmen the trade union could enhance its bargaining power and guarantee both employer recognition and collective bargaining." (McDowell, 1987)

III. GOVERNMENT ORDER-in-COUNCIL P.C. 2685

It is related that in June of 1940 the government proclaimed order-in-council P.C 2685: a declaration of principles which the government hoped labour and management would adopt." (McDowell, 1987) it was the government's hope to proactively address unrest in the industrial sector and thereby "prejudice the war effort." (McDowell, 1987) This order was a formula that addressed resolving disputes and provided encouragement to employers to recognize unions voluntarily as well as good faith negotiation and dispute resolution in a conciliatory fashion. The government's stated position on collective bargaining is stated to have been 'neutral' and the implication was that the "contest between labour and management was essentially a private matter" ignoring that this neutral role in essence tipped the balance of bargaining power to the employer's favor. McDowell states that the unenforced "declaration of principles became the focus of much bitter debate and contributed to labour's disaffection." (1987) the wage control policies were specifically an area of dissatisfaction for unions and as well labour was all but unrepresented in government policy-making and the business community was not only practically in charge of the war production effort and reaping considerable benefits..." (McDowell, 1987)

IV. NASCO ORGANIZED by SWOC

The National Steel Car (NASCO) plant in Hamilton is stated to have been organized by the Steelworker's Organizing Committee (SWOC) in 1940 and a vote was proposed with the membership voting "unanimously...to strike" on April 29, 1941. The government immediately expressed concern that this strike might disrupt the war production effort. Strikers returned to work rather quickly under the assumption that negotiations would ensue however, the negotiation of collective agreements with the union and employee associated was resolved when a new controller was appointed. In 1945, the United Steelworkers of American was certified. Difficulties continued because the labour policy in Canada was nothing like that of the 'New Deal' labour policy of the 1930s, and had as its' one primary goal and that was the elimination of industrial unrest.

V. NEW POLICY & COLLECTIVE BARGAINING ACT PASSED

In 1942 the employees of DOSCO and Algoma Steel was stated to represent "the most serious threat to the government's wage policy since its inception" however a three man commission was appointed to investigate which postponed the dispute temporarily. The Barlow Commission report in 1943 and "rejected the recommendation that the steel industry be classified a national industry as the union had requested." (McDowell, 1987) This resulted in 9,000 workers going on strike. This resulted in the development of a new policy by the Prime Minister who proposed "that the union take its case before a reconstituted 'independent' National War Labour Board." (McDowell, 1987) in 1943, "the labour movement and the government were completely at odds over the related issues of collective bargaining and wage controls." (McDowell, 1987) the government wanted labor to join the war effort by sacrificing wages while it was the belief of labor that in return for this the government should guarantee collective bargaining right for worker protection from arbitrary employer action. The Collective Bargaining Act was passed in April 1943.

VI. LABOUR COURT - COLLECTIVE BARGAINING ACT DETAILS

The Labour Court hashed out the details of collective bargaining and certified the unions and even decertified some of them. The powers of the labour board were broad in remediation dealing with act violations and had the power to reinstate employees who had been discharged unlawfully. The Labour Court was criticized by labour but at the same time, it was supported in spite of its limitations. The government made the announcement in 1943 that "the NWLB would conduct its own public enquiry into the causes of labour unrest" involving approximately a quarter of a million workers. High industrial unrest resulted in the NWLB introducing a national labour code, although unplanned. Labour gained a national platform, which it could air its grievances. The demand of the labour movement was a "permanent national labour code which recognized the right of labour to organize, enforced recognition of the majority union, outlawed 'company unions and the establishment of a board for effective administration of the act. (McDowell, 1987) in August of 1943, the Minister of Labour received the Majority and Minority reports of the NWLB Inquiry and each made recommendation for a new labour code inclusive of compulsory collective bargaining. In February 1944, P.C. 1003 was enacted.

The CTCC objective was the establishment of Quebec's professional corporation, which included "correcting the abuses of capitalism and restoring social order." (Rouillard, 1987) the confederation conceived the professional corporation as being comprised of "representatives of workers and employers who would look after the common interest of the profession. Issues such as salaries, working conditions, apprenticeship, production control, and even profit-sharing were first to be discussed in joint committees by members of the corporation." (Rouillard, 1987) This system's function was reliable for sustenance from all the social groups and "conflicting relations in the business world were to give way to a spirit of operations based on justice and charity." (Rouillard, 1987)

VII. CORPORATISM EVOLVES INTO Business REFORM

The CTCC is stated to have substituted the idea of "business reform....for corporatism." (Rouillard, 1987) the idea of business reform became valid among CTCC's new generation leaders and in 1947, the Church published the work 'La participation des travailleurs a la vie de l'enterprise', which served to inspire the bishops pastoral letter of 1950 in Quebec referring to the "need for transforming the structure of private companies." (Rouillard, 1987) at a 1948 convention, the CTCC stated "within the company...the workers must be considered to be collaborators participating in a common task. They must feel integrated and be able to participate in its management and its benefits." (Rouillard, 1987) This ideal only lasted a span of two years and resistance on every front is stated to have occurred due to the restrictions of "the right to manage, the employer was particularly opposed to this plan for business reform." (Rouillard, 1987) Lewis H. Brown, president of Canadian Johns Manville held that the strike's origins were not related to the working conditions or even to salaries "but rather an attempt of the part of the labour bosses to 'assume the rights of management'. (Rouillard, 1987) Because unions wanted a say in promotions, and production methods and pay rates "the idea of co-management advanced by the proponents of the plan for business reform had served as an inspiration for these union demands. The confederation revised its constitution preamble in 1951 proclaiming the faith of the CTCC in "true political democracy." (Rouillard, 1987) the proclamation was for the support of 'fundamental human rights'. In 1960, the CTCC revised its constitution expressing the support of freedom and democracy even stronger and Rouillard states that this is why this "postwar ideological evolution of the confederation" has been called "liberal humanism." (Rouillard, 1987) There was a desire to "humanize the economy" based on the value of work being "more important than capital since the individual had to take priority over the accumulation of goods." (Rouillard, 1987)

VIII. LIBERAL HUMANISM & ECONOMIC PLANNING

In 1958 this liberal humanism of the CTCC "manifested itself in a new theme that appeared...economic planning." (Rouillard, 1987) Abuses of the system were corrected by the intervention of the state even though it was symbolic intervention only and it even "further directed the economy toward satisfying the real needs of individuals." (Rouillard, 1987) the CTCC gradually became nondenominational over the years and finally in 1960 the CTCC dropped 'Catholic' from its title and "all direct references to the Church's social doctrine." (Rouillard, 1987)

IX. ETHNICALLY SUBMERGED SPLIT LABOUR MARKET

The work of Calliste entitled: "Sleeping Car Porters in Canada: An Ethnically Submerged Split Labour Market" (1987) states that the theory of the split labour market "was formulated by Edna Bonacich to explain economic sources of ethnic antagonism." (Calliste, 1987) a split labour market is stated to exist "when the cost of labour substantially differs along ethnic lines for the same work, or would differ if they did the same work." (Calliste, 1987) This situation creates conflict "among employers and "higher-paid dominant labour, and lower-paid ethnic minority labour." (Calliste, 1987) the higher-paid labor force is reported to have felt threatened when lower-paid labour was introduced into the workforce due to fear of being displaced or having their wages reduced. W.D. Scott, Superintendent of Immigration stated in 1918 of Canadian ethnic segregation: "Coloured labour is not generally speaking in demand in Canada and it is not only regarded as the lowest grade, but it is the last to be taken on and the first to be discharged in most enterprises." (Calliste, 1987)