Apartheid's legacy: addressing institutionalized racism and income inequality in South Africa

Abstract
Despite the promise by the South African government to reduce inequalities following the end of apartheid nearly 30 years ago, the country remains stagnated economically, socially and politically, with some international organizations characterizing it as the most unequal nation in the world today. The recent violent riots that broke out following the sentencing of the former South African president for corruption which claimed the lives of hundreds of protesters clearly demonstrate the desperation that many South Africans are experiencing today. To identify viable paths forward, the purpose of this study was to identify the lingering vestiges of apartheid that are most salient in maintaining existing institutionalized racism and income disparities among South Africa’s marginalized citizenry and examining ways they can be eliminated. To this end, this study uses a mixed methods research strategy that drew on both primary and secondary research to achieve this purpose, guided by several research questions as follows: 1) what are the primary constraints to reducing inequalities and promoting social justice, conceptualized as the equitable distribution of wealth, opportunities and privileges, in South Africa today?; 2) what evidence-based initiatives have been used by the private sector in other emerging nations to improve social justice and income equality through initiatives such as job creation and skills training?; 3) how can the existing human and natural resources in South Africa be leveraged to their best advantage for future economic development in ways that promote social justice and income equality?; and 4) how can public-private partnerships be used to their best effect in a South African context to achieve greater prosperity for all? A summary of the research, key findings and salient recommendations for South African policymakers are presented in the study’s concluding chapter.


Table of Contents
Page
Chapter One: Introduction ……………………………………………………………..
Statement of the Problem ……………………………………………………..
Purpose of the Study ……………………………………………………………..
Research Questions ……………………………………………………………..
Importance of the Study ……………………………………………………..
Chapter Two: Review of the Literature ……………………………………………..
Chapter Three: Methodology ……………………………………………………………..
Chapter Four: Data Analysis ……………………………………………………………..
Chapter Five: Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations ……………………..
Appendix A ……………………………………………………………………………..


Identifying Opportunities to Reduce Income Disparities in South Africa Today and In the Future
Despite the end of apartheid in the early 1990s, South Africa remains racially and economically segregated. The country is beset by persistent social inequality, poverty, unemployment, a heavy burden of disease and the inequitable quality of healthcare service provision. -- Katusha de Villiers (2021)

In 2019, the World Bank recognized South Africa as the most unequal country in the world, meaning that South Africa’s economy does not equally benefit all of its citizens. – Khanyi Mlaba (2020)

South Africa reels from the worst violence since apartheid. – The Economist (July 16, 2021)

‘We lost everything’: Despair grows in South Africa after unrest. – Thabi Myeni (July 17, 2021)

Chapter One: Introduction
The epigraphs and headlines above underscore the current plight of South Africa nearly 3 decades after apartheid was formally abolished and a democratically elected government assumed power. Even as research for this study was underway, decades of increasing frustration and disillusionment with the status quo erupted into the worst violence since apartheid was outlawed. Indeed, the desperate plight of millions of impoverished and marginalized South Africans became painfully evident for the world to see as this frustration transformed into violence which claimed the lives of hundreds of people and caused hundreds of millions of dollars in damages to businesses – many owned and operated by black and coloured South African entrepreneurs who were dedicated to growing and improving their communities. For example, according to a recent report from The Economist, “Shopping centres should be a symbol of South Africa’s progress. Their core customers, as well as their staff, are the black middle class that has grown since apartheid ended. In the past week, however, looters have destroyed malls in cities such as Pretoria, Durban and Johannesburg. Thousands of criminals have ransacked shops, departing unchallenged with their booty” (South Africa reels from the worst violence since apartheid, 2021, p. 3). Moreover, many analysts believe that the disturbing events of mid-2021 will have a profoundly severe impact on the nation’s efforts to reduce the glaring apartheid-era disparities that remain firmly in place, and the nation may even require decades to recover to even its former unequal condition. Given these dire circumstances, the South African national government and the international community must focus on how best to help the nation recover from these recent events and begin to directly address the antecedents that caused them.
Like many sub-Saharan nations, South Africa has experienced its share of challenges over the past two centuries in overcoming the lingering effects of colonialism and then a draconian apartheid regime that severely polarized the South African people in ways that have left a daunting legacy to overcome. This legacy began in 1948 when apartheid was formally adopted by the South African government as a path towards the “separate development” of the nation’s races but which placed the black majority and other non-white groups at a disadvantage to the white minority (South Africa people, 2021). Certainly, it is a simple enough matter for those who benefit to rationalize this type of political and social policy, but for the majority of those who were adversely affected, these rationalizations were not only meaningless, they were viewed as an overt attempt to perpetuate supremacy by a shrinking minority of white South Africans.
Apartheid exacted an enormous economic and social toll on South Africa’s marginalized citizenry for a very long time, and it is little wonder that its vestiges can still be felt across the country today. For instance, according to one historian:
Apartheid (‘apartness’ in the language of Afrikaans) was a system of legislation that upheld segregationist policies against non-white citizens of South Africa. After the National Party gained power in South Africa in 1948, its all-white government immediately began enforcing existing policies of racial segregation. Under apartheid, nonwhite South Africans (a majority of the population) would be forced to live in separate areas from whites and use separate public facilities. Contact between the two groups would be limited. Despite strong and consistent opposition to apartheid within and outside of South Africa, its laws remained in effect for the better part of 50 years. (Apartheid in South Africa, 2021, pp. 1-2)
Besides international boycotts, protests by national leaders such as Nelson Mandela who spent decades opposing apartheid, with many of them spending time in prison as a result, finally compelled the white-led South African government to negotiate a peaceful transition to a democratic government with equal representation for all citizens in 1994 (South Africa people, 2021). Since that time, South Africa has faced a number of social and economic development challenges, most especially with respect to the lingering vestiges of apartheid-era inequities in income, employment opportunities, housing, education, and healthcare services. An unstable political regime marred by corruption has further exacerbated the problems facing South Africa at present (South Africa economy, 2021).
Notwithstanding these challenges, though, and unlike a number of its sub-Saharan neighbors, South Africa also possesses multiple types of valuable natural resources as well as mature supply chain networks and financial, legal, communications, energy, and transport sectors. In addition, South Africa is a financial hub for the region, boasting the largest stock exchange on the continent which is also ranked among the top 20 stock exchanges globally. Notwithstanding these numerous advantages and because its economy is inextricably connected to the international marketplace, the South African economy has suffered some serious downturns in recent years that have created an unemployment crisis that threatens the stability of the nation.
Furthermore, the nation is also struggling to meet the needs of its population during the ongoing global Covid-19 pandemic where South Africa has already recorded more than 2.2 million cases and more than 66 thousand deaths to date (South Africa Covid-19, 2021) – and the situation is worsening by the day as shown in Figure __ below as the country suffers from yet a third wave of coronavirus infections, each more serious than the previous wave.

Figure 1. Covid-19 case trends in South Africa to date
Source: Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center at https://coronavirus.jhu.edu/map.html
As can be clearly discerned from the trends depicted in Figure 1 above, the Covid-19 pandemic is essentially out of control in South Africa at present, and it is reasonable to posit that the recent rioting and looting served as numerous super-spreader events that will make the situation even more severe in the coming months. These grim trends also directly relate to the problem of interest to this study which is described further below.
Statement of the Problem
Despite an abundance of natural resources, a modern infrastructure, and increasingly aggressive efforts by the national government and support from multiple nongovernmental organizations since apartheid ended in 1994, more than half (about 55% or 30.3 million people) of the South Africa population still lives in poverty today and another 13.8 million South Africans do not have enough to eat each day (Poverty & equity brief 2021). Moreover, current economic development indicators show that the per capita annualized consumption growth rate of the bottom 40 percent of the South African population actually suffered a 1.34% decline during the 4-year period from 2010 through 2014 (the latest statistic available from The World Bank).
In addition, although attendance at educational institutions is nearly universal in South Africa, significant percentages of South African children (up to one-third in some provinces) still lack access to early childhood development programming (Measuring the progress of development in South Africa, 2021) and literacy rates are subpar. Moreover, the situation for the poorest people in South Africa is worsening and there are few new opportunities available on the short-term horizon that can help them achieve their full employment potential and realize the complete range of human right guarantees in the South African Freedom Charter, the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, the South African Constitution and the commitments made by the South African government most recently in February 2021 to “promote efforts to tackle issues such as poverty, exclusion, employment, gender equity and access to social well-being and justice for all” (World Day of Justice, 2021, para. 2).
In sum, the ability of the nation’s leaders to take advantage of South Africa’s cornucopia of valuable natural resources has been limited in a number of ways that have directly affected the wellbeing of its citizens. While many of these constraints can be traced to the apartheid era, it is also clear that South Africa have failed to achieve the promise of the “miracle” that occurred in 1994 when apartheid was formally abolished and democratic elections were held for the first time in the country’s history.
At present, some of South Africa’s more significant economic development challenges include the following:
· Quelling the ongoing social unrest over the conviction of former South African President Jacob Zuma and restoring basic social services to urban populations.
· South Africa's economic policy has focused on controlling inflation while empowering a broader economic base; however, the country faces structural constraints that also limit economic growth, such as skills shortages, declining global competitiveness, and frequent work stoppages due to strike action.
· The government faces growing pressure from urban constituencies to improve the delivery of basic services to low-income areas, to increase job growth, and to provide university level-education at affordable prices.
· Political infighting among South Africa’s ruling party and the volatility of the rand risks economic growth. International investors are concerned about the country’s long-term economic stability; in late 2016, most major international credit ratings agencies downgraded South Africa’s international debt to junk bond status (South Africa government, 2021, p. 5).
More troubling still, corruption has a long history in South Africa that dates to the 17th century and it remains rampant throughout the public and private sectors. Indeed, Daley (2021, p. 3) emphasizes that, “Given this history, it is not surprising that corruption was a constant feature of the apartheid period. Black people were its chief victims, since they had no rights and so no way of protecting themselves against abuse. But they were not the only ones, as politicians and officials used government power for personal gain.” Unfortunately, this same pattern has been repeated countless times since 1994, and corruption remains one of the most important challenges facing South Africa today (Daley, 2021). Taken together, South Africa has an uphill road ahead as it seeks to address the multifaceted, complex and well-entrenched problems facing the nation today, an issue that directly relates to the purpose of this study which is described below.
Purpose of the Study
Although racial segregation has not been unique to South Africa, the country’s strict apartheid laws endured far longer than most, a reality that has translated into widespread inequalities that persist to this day. In some cases, these inequalities are readily apparent but in others, post-apartheid life for many blacks in South Africa is still controlling in insidious ways by the legacy of these racial segregation laws. Indeed, as noted above, South Africa is widely regarded as being the most unequal country in the world at present, an eventuality that dismays many stakeholders today who were highly optimistic about the nation’s potential for the future. In this regard, Pooley (2018, pp. 640-641) emphasizes that, “Inequality defines the post-apartheid condition. Years after South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994, the nation has moved to radical levels of socioeconomic polarization. Poverty, unemployment and lack of opportunity are the consuming reality for millions of South Africans.” Moreover, as recent events in South Africa have clearly demonstrated, tens of millions of marginalized citizens have reached their limit of patience with the slow and even nonexistent pace of change. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to identify the lingering vestiges of apartheid that are most salient in maintaining existing institutionalized racism and income disparities among South Africa’s marginalized citizenry and examining ways they can be eliminated.
Research Questions
The study was guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the primary constraints to reducing inequalities and promoting social justice, conceptualized as the equitable distribution of wealth, opportunities and privileges, in South Africa today?
2. What evidence-based initiatives have been used by the private sector in other emerging nations to improve social justice and income equality through initiatives such as job creation and skills training?
3. How can the existing human and natural resources in South Africa be leveraged to their best advantage for future economic development in ways that promote social justice and income equality?
4. How can public-private partnerships be used to their best effect in a South African context to achieve greater prosperity for all?
Importance of the Study
Against the foregoing backdrop, it is clear that South African policymakers as well as the international community must develop innovative solution which are targeted at not only alleviating the suffering of these impoverish individuals but pave the road for future economic development to ensure that everyone in South Africa that wants a job that pays a living wage can get one. Likewise, additional provisions must be made for the well-being of the people of South Africa who are unable to pursue gainful employment for whatever reason. To this end, developing new employment opportunities through public and private sectors partnerships represent timely and valuable potential solutions to these challenging problems.


Chapter Two: Review of the Literature

Following the elimination of apartheid and the conduct of the first multi-racial elections in 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) headed a majority rule government that has sought to directly address the apartheid-era inequalities that continue to exist in all facets of South African society. One of the foundational documents that guided this process was the South African Freedom Charter, adopted by the ANC in 1955 to serve as a vision for a future South Africa that held equal opportunity for all. For example, according to Roberts (2020), “The Freedom Charter remained a programmatic vision for the ANC for more than 30 years, and continues to have a broad influence on the policies of government, such as those aimed at addressing past injustices and promoting equity” (p. 3).
The Freedom Charter makes it clear that there was no room left in South African society for the apartheid-era inequalities that have characterized life for the vast majority of South Africans for the past half century and more, but the aspirations codified in the Charter have not come to fruition and in some cases have even worsened over the years. The preamble to the South African Freedom Charter reads as follows:
We, the People of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know: that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people; that our people have been robbed of their birthright to land, liberty and peace by a form of government founded on injustice and inequality; that our country will never be prosperous or free until all our people live in brotherhood, enjoying equal rights and opportunities; that only a democratic state, based on the will of all the people, can secure to all their birthright without distinction of color, race, sex or belief; And therefore, we, the people of South Africa, black and white together - equals, countrymen and brothers - adopt this Freedom Charter. And we pledge ourselves to strive together, sparing neither strength nor courage, until the democratic changes here set out have been won.
The Freedom Charter also outlines 10 specific areas in which additional progress was needed to achieve this vision for South Africa’s future as set forth in Table 1 below.
Table 1
South Africa’s Freedom Charter commitments
Commitment
Description

The People Shall Govern!
Every man and woman shall have the right to vote for and to stand as a candidate for all bodies which make laws;
All people shall be entitled to take part in the administration of the country;
The rights of the people shall be the same, regardless of race, color or sex;
All bodies of minority rule, advisory boards, councils and authorities shall be replaced by democratic organs of self-government.

All National Groups Shall Have Equal Rights!
There shall be equal status in the bodies of state, in the courts and in the schools for all national groups and races;
All people shall have equal right to use their own languages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs;
All national groups shall be protected by law against insults to their race and national pride;
The preaching and practice of national, race or color discrimination and contempt shall be a punishable crime;
All apartheid laws and practices shall be set aside.

The People Shall Share in the Country’s Wealth!
The national wealth of our country, the heritage of all South Africans, shall be restored to the people;
The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole;
All other industry and trade shall be controlled to assist the well-being of the people;
All people shall have equal rights to trade where they choose, to manufacture and to enter all trades, crafts and professions.

The Land Shall Be Shared Among Those Who Work It!
Restrictions of land ownership on a racial basis shall be ended, and all the land redivided amongst those who work it, to banish famine and land hunger;
The state shall help the peasants with implements, seed, tractors and dams to save the soil and assist the tillers;
Freedom of movement shall be guaranteed to all who work on the land;
All shall have the right to occupy land wherever they choose;
People shall not be robbed of their cattle, and forced labor and farm prisons shall be abolished.

All Shall Be Equal Before the Law!
No one shall be imprisoned, deported or restricted without a fair trial;
No one shall be condemned by the order of any Government official;
The courts shall be representative of all the people;
Imprisonment shall be only for serious crimes against the people, and shall aim at re-education, not vengeance;
The police force and army shall be open to all on an equal basis and shall be the helpers and protectors of the people;
All laws which discriminate on grounds of race, color or belief shall be repealed.

There Shall Be Work and Security!
All who work shall be free to form trade unions, to elect their officers and to make wage agreements with their employers;
The state shall recognize the right and duty of all to work, and to draw full unemployment benefits;
Men and women of all races shall receive equal pay for equal work;
There shall be a forty-hour working week, a national minimum wage, paid annual leave, and sick leave for all workers, and maternity leave on full pay for all working mothers;
Miners, domestic workers, farm workers and civil servants shall have the same rights as all others who work;
Child labor, compound labor, the tot system and contract labor shall be abolished.

The Doors of Learning and of Culture Shall Be Opened!
The government shall discover, develop and encourage national talent for the enhancement of our cultural life;
All the cultural treasures of mankind shall be open to all, by free exchange of books, ideas and contact with other lands;
The aim of education shall be to teach the youth to love their people and their culture, to honor human brotherhood, liberty and peace;
Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children;
Higher education and technical training shall be opened to all by means of state allowances and scholarships awarded on the basis of merit;
Adult illiteracy shall be ended by a mass state education plan;
Teachers shall have all the rights of other citizens;
The color bar in cultural life, in sport and in education shall be abolished.

There Shall Be Houses, Security and Comfort!
All people shall have the right to live where they choose, to be decently housed, and to bring up their families in comfort and security;
Unused housing space to be made available to the people;
Rent and prices shall be lowered, food plentiful and no one shall go hungry;
A preventive health scheme shall be run by the state;
Free medical care and hospitalization shall be provided for all, with special care for mothers and young children;
Slums shall be demolished, and new suburbs built where all have transport, roads, lighting, playing fields, creches and social centers;
The aged, the orphans, the disabled and the sick shall be cared for by the state;
Rest, leisure and recreation shall be the right of all;
Fenced locations and ghettoes shall be abolished, and laws which break up families shall be repealed.

There Shall be Peace and Friendship!
South Africa shall be a fully independent state, which respects the rights and sovereignty of all nations;
South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of all international disputes by negotiation-not war;
Peace and friendship amongst all our people shall be secured by upholding the equal rights, opportunities and status of all;
The people of the protectorates-Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland-shall be free to decide for themselves their own future;
The right of all the peoples of Africa to independence and self-government shall be recognized and shall be the basis of close co-operation.
Let all who love their people and their country now say, as we say here:
'THESE FREEDOMS WE WILL FIGHT FOR, SIDE BY SIDE, THROUGHOUT OUR LIVES, UNTIL WE HAVE WON OUR LIBERTY.'



Adopted at the Congress of the People, Kliptown, South Africa, on 26 June 1955 (emphases in original document).
An examination of how well South Africa has achieved these reasonable civil rights goals is provided as a “scorecard” in the data analysis chapter that follow below, but it is clear that the “chicken in every pot”-type goals outline in the Freedom Charter have not been fully realized for a majority of the nation’s population. While many people in the world during the mid-20th century simply took the fundamental civil rights outlined in the South African Freedom Charter for granted, this proclamation was historic for South Africa and served to set the stage for the eradication of apartheid and its associated laws that marginalized a majority of the country’s population as well as the actions that would be required thereafter to achieve these ambitious objectives for all South African people. As the research that follows below will clearly demonstrate, though, the people and government of South Africa have multiple and serious challenges that are arrayed against them that have constrained their ability to achieve these laudable outcomes.
Today, South Africa is classified as a middle-income nation that enjoys abundant natural resources, a mature legal and financial network as well as a comparatively modern telecommunications and transportation infrastructure (South Africa economy 2021). In addition, South Africa has the 17th largest stock exchange in the world and a population of 57 million people with a strong work ethic and sense of nationhood. Although South Africa experienced sustained economic growth during the early years of the 21st century, the global economic downturn in 2009 had a devastating effect on the country’s macroeconomic stability from which it has still not fully recovered (South Africa economy 2021).
The per capita GDP for South Africa has resembled a roller coaster on the downside of a precipitous drop in recent years as depicted in Figure 2 below.

Figure 2. Per capita GDP for South Africa: 1960 to date
Source: South Africa GDP Per Capita 1960-2021 (2021) at https://www.macrotrends. net/countries/ZAF/south-africa/gdp-per-capita

Further compounding the problems facing South Africa at present has been an energy crisis that began in 2007 which has resulted in rolling blackouts for many residents of major cities which have adversely affected virtually all facets of economic life in the country. In addition, despite significant progress otherwise, there are still severe problems lingering from the nation’s apartheid era that have created limited employment opportunities for many demographic groups (South Africa economy 2020). The net result of this perfect storm of existential threats arrayed against South Africa has been an increase in the level of income inequality which defy easy solutions (Kavya and Santhakumar 2020).
The combination of a lack of ongoing investments in infrastructure and growing unemployment rates has further exacerbated South Africa’s efforts to recover to its pre-recession levels, and the country has one of the world’s highest Covid-19 infection rates at present with 1.5 million confirmed cases and a new variant of the virus that threatens to further disrupt the country’s economic stability going forward (Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center 2021). Taken together, the foregoing trends and issues make it clear that the political leaders and people of South Africa have a number of challenges ahead, making the need to determine the best path forward at this point in time to reduce income inequalities an especially timely and valuable enterprise.
There are a number of different ways available that can be used to determine the antecedents of current income inequality levels in South Africa. For example, the country currently suffers from one of the highest income inequality levels in the world as measured by the commonly used Gini index (South Africa’s inequality, 2020). For example, according to one economist, “The Gini index is a measure of the distribution of income across a population. It is often used as a gauge of economic inequality, measuring income distribution or, less commonly, wealth distribution among a population” (Gini index, 2021).
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) applied the Gini index to South Africa’s current situation and determined that income inequalities in the country have continued to remain at inordinately high levels. In fact, beginning in the 1990s when South Africa already suffered from a high inequality level due to the apartheid laws that prevented large segments of the population from securing improved employment opportunities, the Gini index for South Africa (63.0 at present) has continued to increase in severity. In this regard and as depicted in Figure 3 below, the IMF emphasizes that, “South Africa’s Gini—an index that measures inequality—has increased further in the early 2000s and has remained high ever since. Meanwhile, its peers have been able to make inroads in reducing inequality” (South Africa’s inequality, 2020, p. 2).

Figure 3. Increasing inequality in South Africa: 1993-2017

Besides the dismal Gini index ratings for South Africa, the country’s income distribution levels also remain severely skewed in ways that reflect significant income inequalities. Although such skewed income distribution levels are not unique to South Africa, this measure does underscore the significant disparities between the country’s richest and poorest citizens. For instance, the top 20% of the South African population possesses more than two-thirds of the nation’s income (68%) versus a median rate of 47% for comparable emerging nations (South Africa’s inequality, 2020) as shown in Figure 4 below.
In addition, the bottom 40% of the South African population holds 7% of the nation’s income versus 16% for similarly situated emerging economies) and comparable trends can be discerned from an application of other economic measures including the top 1%’s share of South Africa’s income (South Africa’s inequality, 2020).

Figure 4. Wealth concentration in South Africa

As noted above, economists and social science researchers can draw on a number of different measures to assess income inequalities in a given country, including any significant regional inequities. In the case of South Africa, there are significant disparities across multiple regions of the country. For instance, slightly more than two-thirds (67.4%) of the country’s population live in urbanized areas where per capita income levels are highest, meaning rural regions suffer from severe income inequalities by comparison (South Africa people, 2021). The IMF also cites these regional disparities as evidence of the income inequalities in South Africa. In this regard, the IMF refers to Figure 5 below and notes that, “Significant disparities remain across regions. Income per capita in Gauteng—the main economic province that comprises large cities like Johannesburg and Pretoria — is almost twice the levels as that found in the mostly rural provinces like Limpopo and Eastern Cape [and] being close to the economic centers increases job and income prospects” (South Africa’s inequality, 2020 p. 5).

Figure 5. Regional divide in South Africa

Perhaps one of the more glaring challenges that current face policymakers in South Africa is the fundamental lack of employment opportunities for the nation’s youth. Indeed, South Africa is a comparatively young nation, with 27.94% of the population aged 0-14 years, 16.8% aged 15 to 24 years and 42.37% aged 24 to 54 years; just 6.8% of the South African population is aged 55 to 64 years and even fewer (6.09%) are aged 65 years and over as depicted in the population pyramid shown in Figure 6 below.

Figure 6. Population pyramid for South Africa
Source: CIA World Factbook at https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/static/b494e6e2b5 1b0db23fde0acc285a4085/596f3/SF_popgraph2021.jpg

Although many nations that are suffering from declining populations due to a negative growth rate and would envy South Africa’s burgeoning youthful population, there are simply not enough jobs at present for the current cohort of young people and more aspiring workers are being added to the mix every day. In fact, South Africa ranks the third highest in the entire world in terms of its unemployment rates for youth ages 15 to 24 years with a staggering 53.4% unemployment rate (males 49.2% and females 58.8%) (South Africa people, 2021). Moreover, these unemployment rates may be underestimated and precise figures are difficult to come by so these rates may be much higher in reality. For example, according to Martins (2017), a great deal has changed in South Africa since apartheid was formally outlawed, but the promises of the past have not materialized for the vast majority of impoverished South Africans. In this regard, Martins (2017, p. 17) advises that:
A democratic government has come to power; social grants, (including those specifically for children) have been rolled out across the country and policies to generate jobs have been at the heart of state attempts to overcome poverty for more than 20 years. But the harsh reality remains. In 1993, the level of unemployment (including those who wanted work but were too discouraged to continue looking for it) for all South Africans averaged 33%, while for black African youth (aged 16–24 years) it was 65%. By 2014 the levels had not fallen. One-third of all South Africans who wanted work could not find it, while for young black people, the average was still nearly two-thirds. At the same time, while poverty has been slightly reduced, it remains widespread and the level of inequality has deepened.
It is likely extremely difficult for people in affluent countries to fully understand the impact that poverty can have on individual lifestyles, but the problem clearly transcend just money and extends to virtually all aspects of life in South Africa today. Furthermore, these troubling unemployment rates have remained stagnated or have even worsened over the past decade or so because the South African economy has not been able to create enough new jobs to accommodate existing and new entrants into the job market as shown in Figure 7 below. These trends underscore the need for greater economic investments in enterprises that can generate additional low-skilled jobs for existing and new market entrants to reduce income inequalities (South Africa’s inequality, 2020).

Figure 7. Income per capita index: 1993-2018

The IMF acknowledges that South Africa’s high unemployment rate represents a major challenge to reducing the per capita income inequality levels shown in Figure __ above, but the country’s unemployment rate, especially for young people, is even much higher than in other emerging economies as shown in Figure 8 below.

Figure 8. Youth unemployment in South Africa

It is essential to point out, however, that unemployment in South Africa is not the only source of income inequality. For example, according to Kollamparambil (2017, p. 3), “Wage inequality also contributes substantially to inequality. Thus, being employed is not sufficient to eliminate inequality as a household is likely to continue in the lower deciles of the household income distribution with an earner with unskilled employment.” These trends mean that increasing inequalities in wage earnings represents the most significant source of income inequality in South Africa at present (Kollamparambil, 2017).
Besides greater investment in private sector enterprises that can generate new low-skilled jobs for the nation’s youth, particularly in rural regions of the country where poverty levels are highest, employment opportunities can also be enhanced through improvements in the country’s educational system (South Africa’s inequality, 2021). Here again, though, there are some notable gender-related differences that are involved as well. For example, although the literacy rate for the total South African population is 87%, 87.7% of males are literate compared to 86.5% of females (South African people, 2021). In addition, improving the quality of education can also be enhanced by creating additional affordable transportation services from outlying regions to major job centers (South Africa’s inequality, 2020)
It is important to note, however, that there are a number of evidentiary indicators that also reflect income inequities in a given country, including skewed income distribution levels, regional disparities and unequal access to employment opportunities. In the case of South Africa, persistently low growth levels combined with increasing unemployment rates, especially among youth, have exacerbated income inequality levels in both rural and urbanized regions of the country (South Africa’s inequality, 2020). Nevertheless, employment opportunities, especially for young people, are even more scarce in rural regions of the country, a reality that drives many desperate job-seekers to urban areas where their chances of findings a meaningful job are only slightly better.
The stagnated employment opportunities that are available to South Africans have not only been a significant symptom of chronic inequalities, they have also adversely affected growth in other economic indicators. To its credit, the South African government has recognized the need for addressing the income inequalities that continue to hamper the country’s economic growth, including various progressive fiscal redistribution initiatives. By and large, though, the majority of the South African government’s efforts to address inequalities across the country have concentrated primarily on additional social spending, targeted transfers of government monies, and affirmative action initiatives that are intended to diversify the accumulated of wealth from a few individuals in order to promote entrepreneurship and small business growth (South Africa’s inequality, 2020).
While these initiatives are widely regarded as a good start, most observers concede that far public and private sector interventions to encourage private investments, job creation and inclusive growth are required in order to make a substantive difference today and in the future (South Arica’s inequality, 2020). Some of the recommendations that have been made by the IMF to assist South Africa in reducing its chronic income inequalities include the following:
· Creating a business environment more conducive to private investment and job creation;
· Improved governance;
· Reducing the cost of doing business;
· Making goods and services markets more open to competition;
· Allowing firms to compensate workers in line with their skills and productivity;
· Making state-owned service providers more efficient; and,
· Policies will also be needed to create opportunities to support the marginalized population through improved quality of education, health, and transportation (South Africa’s inequality, 2020, p. 19).
These recommendations are congruent with the most glaring inequalities that were identified in a report by Mlaba (2020) which summarized a recent Oxfam report identified five main reasons for South Africa’s current income inequalities as follows:
1. The average white, male CEO earns the same as 461 Black women in the bottom 10% of earners. While just over 30% of Black women in South Africa are employed (compared to 70% of white men) most of them work in low-paying care positions or occupy precarious jobs, such as call center operators or housekeepers. The average monthly income of a Black woman doing precarious work is just R2,500, which, compared to a white woman in the same position who on average earns R10,000, is very low. South African women work longer hours and are more dedicated to their employment.
2. Nine out of 10 Black households do not have medical insurance. Most Black households have to pay out of pocket for health care services, and cannot afford medical aid. Just 10% of households are headed by a Black person who can afford medical aid. This compared to 70% of white-headed households under the same circumstances.
3. Qualified Black women earn 24% less than qualified white women. Black women between the ages of 18 and 34 with a university degree have an average monthly income of R13,000, compared to a white woman under the same circumstances earning R17,000 on average. More than this, white people who have not completed their high school education and do not have a matric certificate, tend to earn more than Black people who do have a matric certificate.
4. Black women providing care work are unpaid or underpaid for their services. Black women are more likely to work in underpaid service positions such as housework, education, childcare, and community services. These positions are essential for a functioning economy even though they pay the least. Women, mainly Black women, are a lot more likely to take on care work — the work done out of love, commitment, or duty. This kind of work is not included in the calculations on the economy or its growth and very often goes unpaid. The value of women’s unpaid care work is around R352 billion annually, which is roughly 14% of South Africa’s Gross Domestic Product. Unfairly, the wealthiest 10% actually depend on this free or underpaid work as it consists of menial time-consuming work that contributes to a functioning household, examples of these would be child care and cleaning services.
5. Black women-owned properties are less valuable than white-owned properties. Although it was recently established that young Black women are becoming strong forces in the property market — with many of those in their late 20s and early 30s owning at least one property — Black female-owned properties are worth less than white-owned properties. Property valued at less than R50,000 is most likely to be owned and headed by a Black woman, whereas property valued at more than R1 million is most likely owned by a white man (Mlaba, 2020, pp. 4-6).
The foregoing aspects of South Africa’s current income inequalities make it clear that the problem is severe and the stakes are high, but there are a number of other factors that are involved in this calculus that must be taken into account in order to achieve optimal outcomes using scarce taxpayer resources and these are examined further below.
Summary of recent peer-reviewed and mainstream media articles
Given South Africa’s strategic geographic location and increasing importance as a regional financial hub (see the political map of South Africa at Figure 9 below), it is little wonder that the country’s current economic predicament has been the focus of a significant amount of scholarship in recent years.

Figure 9. Political map of South Africa
Source: https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/static/1bbf503624fe7c093be06076dd8d696a/ 8fb37/SF-map.jpg

As will be shown in the tabular summaries set forth in Tables 2 through __ below, one of the more interesting and noteworthy findings that quickly emerges from the research concerns the fact that while virtually all researchers recognize the immensity of the challenges that lie ahead, there is far less consensus about their precise origins, their persistence in adversely affecting equality, and how best to proceed beyond vague platitudes about more job creation and wealth redistribution in the future.
Table 2
Causes and implications of income inequality in South Africa
Source
Key findings
Comments

Friedman (2019)
? The standard explanation for South Africa’s failure to achieve its national objectives is familiar to anyone who has followed the country’s post- independence path. ? The democratic constitution—adopted in 1993 and refined in 1996 by the first parliament elected by universal franchise in 1994—ended the problem of racial domination that was central to pre-democratic South Africa. It created an inclusive democracy in which all enjoy equal rights, and its much-admired constitution created a framework that allows citizens and their representatives to use its levers to create a fairer, more prosperous society.
? South African politicians—particularly the country's fourth president, Jacob Zuma, who was elected in 2009 and governed until he was forced to resign in early 2018—misused the new order to enrich themselves and damage the institutions created by the constitution and the brave new order that the world celebrated is now forever tarnished
A quarter century after South Africa's negotiated settlement produced a democracy that won the country and its first president, Nelson Mandela, admiration around the globe, it has become trite to point out that the new order has fallen short of many of the expectations placed upon it. What is—or should be—fiercely contested is why this fall from grace has come to pass.


Policy Interventions, Skilled Jobs Can Reduce Inequality in South Africa (2018)
? The number of South Africa’s poor could be reduced by more than half by 2030 through various combined policy interventions that reduce inequality by creating skilled jobs for the poor and ignite growth by increasing competition, policy certainty and promote skilled migration.
? Projecting the South African economy through 2030, the 11th edition of the South Africa Economic Update: Focus on Jobs and Inequality, assesses the potential impact of a combination of various policy interventions on jobs, poverty, and inequality. This report presents a scenario in which the number of the poor could be reduced by more half, dropping to 4.1 million by 2030 from 10.5 million in 2017.
? In addition, the Gini index of inequality would reduce to 56 in 2030 from 63 in 2017 and 800 thousand jobs could be created with the economy increasing at an annual rate of 2.2% as a result of these interventions.
? Without the policy interventions modelled in the economic update, South Africa would on current trajectory not be able to attain its development targets outlined in the country’s National Development Plan of creating sufficient jobs, eradicating poverty and reduce inequality.
? In the baseline scenario of an average gross domestic production (GDP) growth of 1.4% annually, the number of poor would drop to 8.3 million in 2030 from 10.5 million in 2017.
? In addition, a modest 215,000 jobs would be created every year, mostly skilled and semi-skilled and the poverty rate would reduce to 12.7% in 2030 from 18.6% in 2017.
? The Gini coefficient would drop to 59.5 in 2030 from 62.8 in 2017 and the unemployment rate would move slightly from 27.2 in 2017 to reach 26.7% in 2030.

Schneider (2018)
? The maintenance of key apartheid-era institutions, under the guise of “market friendly policies,” undermined the prospects for long-term economic and human development in South Africa. This post-apartheid development debacle should go down in history as one of the great failures of mainstream economics and neoliberal policies.
? Breaking the cycle of uneven development in South Africa will require fundamental changes in institutions, including changes in democracy, ownership structures, and the very nature of the economic system.
? An adjusted institutional structure might reconfigure the social provisioning process in South Africa to address racial divisions and lingering inequality.
? Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC) were persuaded by mainstream economists and South African businesses to pursue neoliberal policies.
? The ANC implemented policies that made South Africa more open to international trade and financial flows along with privatization and austerity, other than a modest increase in social expenditures.
? Unfortunately, neoliberalism worsened the inequality created under apartheid and failed to stimulate significant growth and development.

Kollamparambil (2017)
? Based on a conceptual analysis, this researcher argues that in-migration into the formal sector of the receiving areas will in general reduce inequality while in-migration into the informal or unemployed sector increases inequality.
? Using individual panel data, the study further tests empirically at the district level the impact of in-migration and finds that rising urban inequality in urban areas can be attributed at least in part to rural-urban migration.
? This works through both the wage as well as employment channel. The employment channel can be said to have a stronger impact than the wage channel.
? The impact of internal migration on regional income inequality of the receiving areas has hitherto gone largely unstudied. This dearth of literature is especially surprising because income inequality and in-migration into urban centers of growth are two issues that many developing economies are faced with and tackling these issues effectively involves understanding the interactions between these two related phenomena.
? This study is therefore a first attempt to analyze the impact of internal in-migration on receiving areas and is placed in the context of South Africa.

Wilson and Vijay (2020)
? Using a bio-ecological systems theory of development, these researchers analyzed the respective roles of gender, socio-economic status (determined by resources at home and school), parental involvement and school climate in determining educational aspirations.
? Drawing on a nationally representative sample of 11,969 learners (females = 5,248; mean age = 15.7 years) from the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the statistical analysis technique of structural equation modelling (SEM), the authors investigated the relationships between parental involvement, school climate and learner educational aspirations.
? The results of this study showed that students from low socio-economic status (SES) homes and schools had lower educational aspirations.
? In addition, these researchers also found positive relationships between both positive and negative school climate and learner aspirations. A surprising finding was that parental involvement did not have any influence on shaping learner aspirations.
An extensive body of research exists on the background characteristics that predict learner achievement; however, in South Africa, little attention has been paid to the level of educational aspirations and the factors that shape the level of aspirations.
? The findings indicate a need to improve educational resources at schools as well as the school climate, as schools matter for learners in low-income countries.
? Furthermore, it is important to inform learners of the requirements for tertiary education, so that they develop more realistic aspirations.

Keeton (2014)
? Twenty years ago, most Latin American countries rivalled South Africa’s high inequality. While inequality remains very high it has narrowed virtually across Latin America over the past decade.
? Social transfers and higher minimum wages have helped increase the income of the poorest. Probably the most important cause of reduced inequality in Latin America was rising employment.
? In South Africa, by contrast, income inequality has hardly changed despite the introduction of social transfers that now reach 16 million poor South Africans. Inequality remains high partly because the number of jobs created over the past 20 years barely kept pace with growth in the labour force.
? As a result, unemployment remains between 25 percent and 35 percent depending on whether one counts as being unemployed discouraged workers who have given up looking for a job.
? The South African transfers system provides only for children from poor households, the elderly and the disabled. No provision is made for the unemployed.
? As a result, inequality in South Africa is so high both because of high wage inequalities within the workplace as well as the wide gap between those who are employed and those who are unemployed.
? If social grants cannot be extended to the unemployed by taxing the rich, the answer to inequality in South Africa then appears to be to generate millions of jobs, no matter how low paying they might be, so that the eight million people currently unemployed can start earning at least some income.
? Such a strategy would reduce poverty, but its impact on income inequality would actually be quite modest. This is because of the high degree of income inequality within the workplace.
? The largest cause of income inequality in South Africa lies within the workplace. Therefore, even if all those currently unemployed earn the current incomes of low-skilled workers, overall income inequality in South Africa will fall only modestly and will still be very high by global standards.
? The unemployed need to move also into higher wage jobs for the impact on reducing inequality to be substantial.


Martins (2017)
? The portion of household budgets allocated to different types of goods and services provides an indication of the material standard of living of a population.
? This study discusses different definitions of poverty and compares the state of poverty according to these definitions in selected countries, followed by an analysis of South Africa's economic position in the world and a comparison of the household budgets and demographic profile of South African households that fall into different income groups in order to identify the differences between the poorest and the wealthiest households in South Africa.
? Income inequality in South Africa is further elucidated by means of the Gini coefficient.
In addition, a comparison is also made between the household budgets of the poorest households with the minimum financial living level requirements in South Africa to maintain their health and have acceptable standards of hygiene and sufficient clothing for their needs.
? Household expenditure comprises expenditure of private households on goods and services, irrespective of their durability.
? In the absence of a universally accepted method of calculating poverty, household expenditure can be used to provide an indication of inequality of wealth and serve as an indicator of poverty.

Kollamparambil (2021)
? This study found that wellbeing is concentrated among the higher end of the income distribution in both countries but that the level of wellbeing concentration is lower in Switzerland as compared to South Africa.
? The differences in the wellbeing concentration levels of the two countries are due to both the difference in the levels of income as well as the differences in the marginal utility of income in the two countries.
? The differences in the coefficients of absolute and relative income, contribute more to the differences in wellbeing concentration in the two countries than the levels of these variables. These findings indicate that the level of income and relative income is important in better understanding the impact of these variables on wellbeing inequality.
? The study sought answers to the broader question on the income-wellbeing nexus through a seldom utilized technique of concentration index to measure income related wellbeing inequality. The analysis is undertaken in the vastly differing income and income inequality contexts of Switzerland and South Africa to contrast the relationships in different scenarios over a 10-year period.
? Results indicate that South Africa's pro-rich concentration of wellbeing would decrease substantially with Swiss endowments. On the other hand, income-based concentration of wellbeing would increase in South Africa with Swiss coefficients.


Pooley (2016)
? The education sector was early on identified as key to socioeconomic empowerment for the poor and working class. Expenditure on education now amounts to nearly 20 per cent of the national budget; however, the impact of policy reforms and broad spending has been blunted by poor service delivery, inefficiency, corruption, and limited skills and capacity in government.
? An ethnographic case study of school musicking in the Ingwavuma district of KwaZulu-Natal describes some of the
strengths and challenges associated with music education in rural areas.
? Music is widely practiced as an extracurricular activity that
does not develop the skills in music literacy required for entry into tertiary education or the music industry.
? By contrast, students at private schools benefit from high quality education in Western music through independent examination boards.
? The author concludes that an egalitarian approach to music education would return the study of music to the school curriculum in revised form
? The 2012 National Curriculum Statement accords music a peripheral (and in some cases, optional) position in South Africa’s Basic Education
syllabus.
? The bifurcation of the musical arts education sector in South Africa into its public and private dimensions reproduces inequality along lines of class, race and geography. Indigenous music is thriving, but teachers lack training in music literacy and have limited resources at their disposal.

Francis (2006)
? The causes of poverty in South Africa stem from historically generated power inequalities. These have not been substantially altered by the configurations of power which have emerged since the transition to democratic rule.
? Taking the long view, it is possible to discern a shift in the class basis of the state, from the infamous alliance between “gold and maize” to one dominated by an alliance between industrial, financial and mining capital in the 1970s and 1980s, with landowners playing a less important role.
? During the 1990s, there was a further weakening of landowners, particularly the small landowners who have been squeezed out
of the farming sector by rising real interest rates, and a rapprochement
between capital and the small, African middle class.
? A small minority of Africans has
benefited from opportunities offered by the new dispensation, gaining highly paid jobs in the public and private sector or taking advantage of support for
emerging businesses.
? The ANC’s 1994 election platform, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), was in many ways a compromise between its commitment to overcoming some of the most glaring inequalities of the apartheid era and the imperatives of the political settlement which underlay the transition to
democratic rule.
? The RDP did not envisage large-scale redistribution in most
sectors, though it did make a commitment to a major land reform. It planned
for ambitious program of house construction and service provision, as well as making commitments to address “economic imbalances” and
“democratise” the economy.


Ndimande (2016)
? This study examined the consequences of the new policies of school choice in post-apartheid South Africa and the reasons they have largely failed to achieve greater educational equality – their stated purpose.
? The author maintains that the dominant reason for this lies in the continuing inadequate resources of many poor schools and the failure to address them. Drawing on the perspectives of parents whose children attend schools in
poor neighborhoods, known as the townships, the author also argues that the resource situation in these schools directly contributes to poverty in their children’s lives.
? In addition, the issue of resources is inextricably connected to the larger neoliberal agenda of privatization and markets that has influenced social policy in post-apartheid South Africa.
? Neoliberalism in education has encouraged school choice as a way to desegregate schools and reform education. Based on these trends, though, the author concludes that instead it has continued the marginalization of Black children in township schools, and adversely affects their future by limiting their educational opportunities and their right to quality education.
? The apartheid education system spanned many decades. Apartheid was a hegemonic
government system designed to enforce racial segregation and the institutionalization of white
supremacy.
? One of the laws that reproduced resource inequalities in township schools was the Group Areas Act of 1952. This Act enforced the residential segregation plan of apartheid.
? On one hand, the majority of Black communities in rural and semi-rural areas were forcefully relocated to settlements known as the Bantustans, which were arid areas where no industrial or economic activity took place.
? On the other, Black communities in cities and suburban areas such as Sophiatown in Johannesburg and District Six in Cape Town, were also forcefully removed and relocated in areas that became known as the townships which were state-controlled
areas on the periphery of the cities.

Dowdall, Ward and Lund (2017)
? Using nationally representative data (N=11,955) from the South African National Income Dynamics Study and the South African Indices of Multiple Deprivation modelled at small-area level, this study tested
associations between neighborhood-level deprivation and depression, after controlling for individual-level covariates.
? The findings that emerged from this study supported the hypothesis that there is a positive association between living in a more deprived neighborhood and depression, even after controlling for individual-level covariates.
? This study suggests that alleviating structural poverty could reduce the burden of depression in South Africa.
? Depression contributes more to the global burden of
mental and substance abuse disorders than any other
single disorder and projections are that it will be the second leading cause of disability in the world by 2020.
? Likewise, depression contributes substantially to the burden of disease in South Africa. Little is known about how neighbor-hoods affect the mental health of the people living in them.

Ragie et al. (2020)
? This case study of 590 households from Bushbuckridge, South Africa, analyses the economic value of each of these income streams at three points: what enters the household, what is used and what is sold.
? Two important findings emerged from this study:
1) Dependence on off-farm cash incomes is far higher than previously suggested by case studies in the area and the benefits of employment accrue to those already better educated and wealthier. This suggests that shifts in off-farm opportunities will exacerbate already deep inequalities.
2) While environmental products and crops are important for direct use, they generate insignificant cash incomes from sales. This suggests a weakening of the direct links between the local ecosystem and this society, challenging traditional notions of African rurality being intrinsically land based.
Land-based income streams, which include the consumption and selling of crops, livestock and environmental products, are inherent in rural households’ livelihoods. However, the off-farm cash income stream – primarily composed of migrant labor remittances, social grants, and savings and loans – is increasing in importance in many regions.

Baker (2019
? For the past several decades, inequality has been on the rise in developed and developing countries alike; in an age of widening divides between rich and poor, though, South Africa stands out because of its squandered hopes.
? Mandela’s rainbow nation was supposed to show the world how a new, equitable society could be built out of the ashes of repression and racism, but by some measures, inequality in the country today is worse than it was under apartheid.
? Though a new black middle class is slowly developing, and a small black elite has accrued massive wealth, few black South Africans have seen substantial change in their material lives.
? Meanwhile, today’s white minority, some 9% of the population, lives off the benefits accumulated under apartheid’s unequal policies.
? Their relative wealth keeps them insulated from government failures triggered by the economics of segregation. As one unemployed worker lamented, “Democracy gave us nothing. They told us in 1994 that the blacks would be in control and things would be better. All we see now is corruption among the black leaders, and whites are still in control of the economy.”
? The source of the inequality that plagues South Africa is multifaceted.
? Unemployment, poor education programs and a collapsing public health system all play a role; however, the largest dividing line is land, where the legacy of apartheid meets the failures and broken promises of the current government.
? This legacy is manifested most plainly in the lack of affordable housing, particularly in urban areas.
? The number of decaying slums has gone from 300 in 1994 to 2,700 today.

Nyoka (2019)
? After conducting statistical analysis using Stata version 14 for Windows with a multivariate binary logistic regression modeling technique applied, this paper tested and concluded that there is a statically significant relationship between educational levels on the one?hand and income levels on the other on the probability of one having a mobile banking account in South Africa.
? From a policy perspective, this information will assist policy-makers in making more informed decisions with respect to education, and from the banking fraternity point of view it will help, them in the developments
of products that are more in line with the population’s education and income levels.
Financial inclusion has recently become an issue of concern the world over for governments, policymakers, non?governmental organizations (NGOs), and financial and non?financial institutions alike. In recent years, there has been growing theoretical and empirical works showing the strong linkages between financial development with economic growth and poverty alleviation

Ohmberger and Fichera (2020)
? Mental health and poverty are strongly interlinked. There is a gap in the literature on the effects of poverty alleviation programs on mental health. These researchers sought to fill this gap by studying the effect of an exogenous income shock generated by the Child Support Grant, South Africa's largest Unconditional Cash Transfer (UCT) program on mental health.
? Using biennial data on 10,925 individuals from the National Income Dynamics Study between 2008 and 2014, the researchers drew on the program's eligibility criteria to estimate instrumental variable Fixed Effects models.
? Based on their analysis, the researchers found that receiving the Child Support Grant improves adult mental health by 0.822 points (on a 0–30 scale), 4.1% of the sample mean. The cash transfer is substantial for poor households, as it increases household income by about 20–25%.
? These findings show that UCT programs have strong mental health benefits for the poor adult population.
The Child Support Grant (CSG) was introduced by the South African Government in 1998 as part of the governmental social assistance program. The CSG is an Unconditional Cash Transfer and South Africa's largest social cash transfer program, targeting the poor and vulnerable population. The CSG aim is to reduce poverty and vulnerability among children from poor socio-economic backgrounds by monthly grant transfers to their primary caregivers, which in most cases is the biological mother of the child. Eligibility for program participation is defined by two factors: (1) the age of the child; and (2) a means-test of the caregiver and his/her spouse's income and assets. The coverage of the CSG increased over time. Initially, only children up until the age of 7 years were targeted, but the program has been progressively extended over time to children of age up to 18 years. The income threshold was also lifted at a faster rate than price-inflation, from R2,300 (US$172.5) to R3,200 (US$240), leading to a positive real appreciation of the grant value.

Kollamparambil (2020)
? Despite increase in income inequality, South Africa has been registering decreased happiness inequality. The paper identifies the significant determinants of happiness and happiness inequality and finds that income determines happiness level as well as happiness inequality at both individual and aggregate level.
? The similarity of findings at the individual and aggregate levels indicates that the happiness–income paradox noted in literature does not seem to exist within the South African context. At the aggregate level, income inequality has significant negative and positive impact on happiness levels and happiness inequality respectively.
? While both happiness as well as income levels show increasing trends in recent years, the inequality trends differ substantially between income and happiness measures. The paper's findings reinforce the argument that happiness inequality may be a useful supplementary measure of inequality in society.
? The finding of increasing happiness levels and decreasing happiness inequality in the backdrop of increasing income inequality, is indicative that absolute effect rather than relative effect of income dominates happiness and happiness inequality at the country level in South Africa.

Ntul and Kwenda (2014)
? This study examined the role of labor unions in explaining this phenomenon among African men given that labor markets are at the core of income inequality in South Africa.
? Using cross-sectional data drawn from Labor Force Surveys for 2001–2010, these researchers identified a monotonically declining union wage premium. Further, the results indicate that unions have both compressionary and disequalizing effects on wages.
? The disequalizing effect dominates the compressionary effect, suggesting that unions have a net effect of increasing wage inequality among African men in South Africa.
? This finding implies that there is scope for unions to reduce inequality through initiatives that promote wage compression.
? One Achilles' heel of post-Apartheid South Africa is the growing intra-racial income inequality, particularly among Africans.
? That an unequal dispersion of labor market earnings lies at the heart of an extraordinarily large and increasing problem of income inequality in post-Apartheid South Africa cannot be overemphasized. More recently, this has manifested through growing intra-racial income inequality, where the increase is relatively higher for Africans than other races. Hence conclusions abound that increasing intra-African earnings inequality dictates the evolution of aggregate income inequality in the country

Weimann (2019)
? Informal settlements are becoming more entrenched within some South African cities as the urban population continues to grow. Characterized by poor housing conditions and inadequate services, informal settlements are associated with an increased risk of disease and ill-health; however, little is known about how informal settlement upgrading impacts health over time.
? A systematized literature review was conducted to explore existing evidence and knowledge gaps on the association between informal settlement characteristics and health and the impact of informal settlement upgrading on health, within South Africa.
? The meta-analysis found that informal settlements pose health risks particularly to vulnerable populations such as children, the elderly, and people with suppressed immune systems, and are likely to aggravate gender-related inequalities.
? Due to the complex interaction between health and factors of the built environment, there is a need for further research utilizing a systems approach to generate evidence that investigates the interlinked factors that longitudinally influence health in the context of informal settlement upgrading in rapidly growing cities worldwide.
? These findings highlight a growing body of research investigating the ways in which complete physical, mental and social health are influenced by the physical housing structure, the psychosocial home environment and the features of the neighborhood and community in the context of informal settlements. However, there is a paucity of longitudinal research investigating the temporal impact of informal settlement upgrading or housing improvements on health outcomes of these urban residents.

Black (2016)
There is little need to explain the motivation to work on strategies to raise employment in South Africa. The country’s appalling unemployment figures are depressingly familiar and underpin high levels of poverty and social dislocation. Policies are needed which will deliberately steer the economy onto a more employment-intensive growth path. These policies need to take greater account of the pernicious and enduring legacy of apartheid.
Much work on the employment problem is focused on raising growth rates or on fixing the labor market; but important as these are, anemic growth and labor-market rigidities do not provide a complete explanation


Polis et al. (2021)
? This study examines the reasons why wealth inequalities in South Africa under the African National Congress have remained so persistently stubborn and how it is possible that the revolutionary movement, ostensibly devoted to the ideals of the Freedom Charter, has not managed to radically improve matters 25 years after the fall of apartheid.
? While some commentators have claimed that South Africa is an emerging global power, it is simultaneously the most extreme documented case of inequality, in terms of both income and wealth, in the world. South Africa is arguably the most stubborn case of inequality in contemporary history, with efforts to reduce this having largely failed. In addition, inequality has actually widened post 1994.
? Based on a series of interviews conducted with South African academics and members of civil society, the article provides some answers to this conundrum by tracing the roots of the problem to reproduction mechanisms that are deeply entrenched in the economy of South Africa, its politics and its educational system. Numerous scholars have offered a myriad of assessments of this conundrum, yet ‘no clear consensus has emerged on the causes of the post-apartheid increase in inequality.
Considering all the policy efforts to reverse this dismal trend, this is an additional puzzle and a source of embarrassment for the government for whom equality ideals laid out in the Freedom Charter remain a vital part of its political heritage and who fought the 1994 election campaign on the slogan ‘A Better Life For All’.

Ozler (2007)
? In 2000 prices, adjusted for provincial cost of living differences), at least 58%
of all South Africans and 68% of the African population were in poverty in 1995, while poverty was virtually nonexistent for whites.
? The Gini coefficient
of expenditures was 0.56, making South Africa one of the most unequal countries in the world. The country also inherited vast inequalities in education, health, and basic infrastructure, such as access to safe water, sanitation,
and housing. For instance, while only a quarter of Africans had access to piped water in their houses, Asians and whites had universal access.
? Apartheid in South Africa officially came to an end with the democratically held elections in 1994, leaving in its wake a population with vast inequalities
across racial groups.
? Many other aspects of the South African economy also pose difficult challenges. Crime is so prevalent that it leads to emigration of South African professionals of all population groups, possibly also discouraging investment and stifling growth.
? The broad unemployment rate is estimated to be 30%–40% and has been steadily increasing since 1995, making South Africa’s unemployment rate one of the highest in the world.

Oldfield and Tucker (2019
? Any analysis of South African gendered performances, identities and inequalities confront past and present experiences of and struggles with race, colonialism, post-colonial development and sexuality. These tensions shape gendered geographical work, highlighting the importance of histories of race, class, and sexuality, as well as the ways in which gender itself can be approached as an analytical category and epistemic framing in South Africa.
? These researchers focus on two avenues that have engaged scholars since the end of apartheid, namely: gender and development; and gender and geographies of sexualities. The former articulates the particular ways that the historical spatially exclusionary trajectory of the country has impacted especially on women and their ability to engage with state and national building projects post-apartheid.
? The latter explores how South African geographies (despite the country's progressive post-apartheid constitution with regard to LGBT rights) continue to reflect and (at times) enable spatial segregation and inequalities related to gender.
? A key strength of research in South African gender scholarship is that it complicates and challenges how policymakers might approach gender and gender-based inequalities, and the diverse ways in which gender categories and framings can be imagined, deployed and troubled in post-colonial states and cities.

Kerr, Durheim and Dixon (2017)
? Social psychologists typically conceptualize intergroup processes in terms of unequal pairs of social categories, such as an advantaged majority (e.g., ‘Whites’) and a disadvantaged minority (e.g., ‘Blacks’). This two?group paradigm may obscure the workings of intergroup power by overlooking:
(1) the unique dynamics of intergroup relations involving three or more groups, and
(2) the way some two?group relationships function as strategic alliances that derive meaning from their location within a wider relational context.
? Discursive analysis of interview accounts of the nature and origins of this violence shows how an ostensibly binary ‘xenophobic’ conflict between foreign and South African farm laborers was partially constituted through both groups’ relationship with a third party who were neither victims nor perpetrators of the actual violence, namely white farmers.
? The researchers’ analysis was based on a field study conducted in a grape?farming town in South Africa in 2009, focusing on an episode of xenophobic violence in which a Zimbabwean farm worker community was forcibly evicted from their homes by their South African neighbors.
? The researchers highlight some potential political consequences of defaulting to a two?group paradigm in intergroup conflict studies.



Nwosu and Ovenubi (2021)
? In response to the Covid-19 pandemic, the South African government has imposed a number of measures aimed at controlling the pandemic, chief being a nationwide lockdown.
? This has resulted in income loss for individuals and firms, with vulnerable populations (low earners, those in informal and precarious employment, etc.) more likely to be adversely affected through job losses and the resulting income loss.
Income loss will likely result in reduced ability to access healthcare and a nutritious diet, thus adversely affecting health outcomes.
? Given the foregoing, these researchers hypothesized that the economic dislocation caused by the coronavirus will disproportionately affect the health of the poor.
? The results of this study indicate that being African (relative to white), per capita household income and household experience of hunger significantly predicted income-related health inequalities in the Covid-19 era (contributing 130%, 46% and 9% respectively to the inequalities), while being in paid employment had a nontrivial but statistically insignificant contribution (13%) to health inequality.
? Based on these findings, the authors conclude that given the significance and magnitude of race, hunger, income and employment in determining socioeconomic inequalities in poor health, addressing racial disparities and hunger, income inequality and unemployment will likely mitigate income-related health inequalities in South Africa during the Covid-19 pandemic.
? The Covid-19 virus has resulted in an enormous dislocation of society especially in South Africa.
? Using the fifth wave of the National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS) dataset conducted in 2017 and the first wave of the NIDS-Coronavirus Rapid Mobile Survey (NIDS-CRAM) dataset conducted in May/June 2020, these researchers estimated income-related health inequalities in South Africa before and during the Covid-19 pandemic.
? Health was a dichotomized self-assessed health measure, with fair and poor health categorized as "poor" health, while excellent, very good and good health were categorized as "better" health. Household per capita income was used as the ranking variable. Concentration curves and indices were used to depict the income-related health inequalities.
? In addition, the researchers also decomposed the Covid-19 era income-related health inequality in order to ascertain the significant predictors of such inequality.



As the information presented in Table 2 above clearly indicates, many of the causes of South Africa’s current status as the most unequal nation in the world predate 1994 and have since simply morphed into alternative and even more severe ways in which these inequalities are perpetuated. Because it requires some time for timely issues to wend their way into the peer-reviewed literature and the situation on the ground in South Africa at present is highly dynamic, it was also important to determine what the mainstream media has been recently reporting about inequalities in the country and these are set forth in Table 3 below.
Table 3
Summary of recent mainstream media articles and reports concerning current inequalities in South Africa
Source
Key findings
Comments

Meldrum (2021)
? The recent rioting that ravaged South African cities began on July 8, 2021 when former President Jacob Zuma started serving a 15-month prison sentence for contempt of court.
? Supporters in Zuma’s home province of KwaZulu-Natal set up roadblocks on major highways and burned about 20 trucks.
? The protests closed the N3 and N2 highways, which link the Indian Ocean ports of Durban and Richard’s Bay to the industrial hub of Johannesburg and to Cape Town.
? The unrest spread within KwaZulu-Natal, where shopping malls and centers were ransacked by mobs that took food, electronics, clothes and liquor. Attacks on retail centers also spread inland to Gauteng province, to Johannesburg, the country’s largest city, and to Pretoria, the capital.
? In Durban and Pietermaritzburg, crowds attacked warehouses for major retailers and factories, which were set alight. Several burned until their roofs collapsed.
? Extensive damage was done to 161 malls and shopping centers, 11 warehouses, eight factories and 161 liquor stores and distributors, according to the government.
? An estimated 10 billion rand ($680 million) was lost in stolen goods, burned trucks and destroyed property.
? South Africa’s economy may sustain longer-term damage if domestic and international investors view the unrest as a sign that the country is not a safe destination for their capital.
? South Africa’s economy was already in recession, and the instability is expected to cause the economy to contract even further. ? The hardest hit will be South Africa’s poor, many of whom will not be able to buy food at competitive prices at the township shopping centers that have been closed or burned. People receiving monthly government grants, especially the elderly, will not be able to get them at centers that have been closed.
? At least 215 people died in the unrest, and more than 2,500 were arrested on charges including theft and vandalism, according to the most recent government figures.
? The unrest was largely limited to the KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng provinces, which together account for nearly 50% of South Africa’s GDP.
? The violence did not spread to South Africa’s other seven provinces.
? The unrest lasted for a week until 25,000 army troops were deployed.

Martin (2021)
? The single biggest deep cause of what is playing out are levels of inequity in the South African society that logically at some point would have ended in social unrest. ? South Africa has 74% of young people unemployed, not in educational institutions, nor in training facilities where they might get apprenticeships to learn new trades that they can use within the labor market.
? South Africa’s Gini coefficient that puts it right up there with countries like Brazil, competing for the horrible dishonor of being one of the most unequal nations on Earth, whether it's by income, wealth or asset.
? Half the population is chronically poor, and economic growth that is almost near 0%. The country had an economic recession even before the pandemic.
More than two decades have passed from the end of apartheid in South Africa and yet, according to the World Bank and other measures, South Africa is one of the most, if not the most economically unequal country in the world.

Tharoor (2021, July 18)
? The recent riots in the country’s two most populous provinces reflect, in many aspects, a uniquely South African tragedy. But lurking within the scenes of looting and violence, which saw at least 212 people killed amid the worst unrest since the end of apartheid in 1994, is a broader global parable.
? What happened in South Africa is what happens when the gross inequality that shapes a whole society boils over. And it’s also what happens when a major political faction and influential leader prioritize their own interests over the integrity of their country’s democracy.
? Government officials labeled what followed as an “insurrection,” with protests led by Zuma’s supporters spiraling into full-blown riots in townships in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal provinces (home to the major urban centers of Johannesburg and Durban, respectively).
? Major highways were blocked, trucks burned, shops and even schools and medical offices ransacked. The army was deployed, but the upheaval still wreaked more than $1 billion in damage and led to scores being killed amid stampedes and clashes with police and vigilantes.
? Every country presents its own studies in contrast, but South Africa offers some of the starkest. The celebrated “rainbow nation,” defined by its generational struggle for racial equality, is the global poster child of economic inequality, where deep poverty sits in the shadow of astronomical wealth. ? The post-apartheid republic is built on what is arguably the world’s most liberal and modern constitution, but is also hobbled by age-old problems of corruption, state failure, tribalism and cronyism.
? The immediate trigger for the unrest was the jailing of Jacob Zuma, the former South African president now implicated in a sprawling inquiry into allegations of bribery and corruption under his tenure. Zuma was held in contempt of court and sentenced to 15 months in prison for his repeated refusal to participate in the trial’s proceedings.

Helberg (2021, July 13)
? South African farmers have been hit by days of unrest and looting as trucks carrying produce are prevented from delivering to markets, threatening food supplies.
? Crowds have clashed with police and ransacked shopping malls, with dozens reported killed as grievances unleashed by the jailing of former president Jacob Zuma boiled over into the worst violence in years.
? Some of the country's major highways have been closed off.
Farmers have already had major losses because they cannot get their products to local markets and to shops.

South Africa deploys more than 20,000 troops as death toll tops 100 (2021, July 15)
? South Africa has begun deploying more than 20,000 troops to assist police in quelling week-long unrest, as the death toll soared to 117 people in the rioting and looting following the jailing of former President Jacob Zuma.
? In one of the largest deployments of soldiers since the end of white minority rule in 1994, the government said 10,000 soldiers were on the streets by Thursday morning and the South African National Defence Force has also called up all of its reserve force of 12,000 troops.
The violence has so far not spread to South Africa’s seven other provinces, where police are on alert

South Africa Zuma riots: Looting and unrest leaves 72 dead (2021, July 13)
? The death toll in South Africa has risen to 72 as violence continues across the country following the jailing of former President Jacob Zuma.
? The military have been deployed to help police overstretched since the unrest began. South African police said in a statement they had identified 12 people suspected of provoking the riots, and that a total of 1,234 people had been arrested.
President Cyril Ramaphosa has called it some of the worst violence witnessed in South Africa since the 1990s, before the end of apartheid, with fires started, highways blocked and businesses and warehouses looted in major cities and small towns in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng provinces.

Eligon (2021)
? South Africa has been rocked to its core over the last week by looting and vandalism that has left at least 117 people dead and hundreds of millions of dollars in damage.
? The riots were among the worst violence and unrest the country had seen in the nearly 30 years since the end of apartheid.
? Hours-long lines for food and gas have formed in the coastal city of Durban and in the Johannesburg area after the unrest destroyed supplies and disrupted delivery chains.
? Government officials were managing a volatile dynamic in which residents in some communities were taking up arms to defend their neighborhoods, with fears of vigilante justice inflaming racial tensions.
? All of this is unfolding as South Africa is battling a devastating wave of coronavirus infections, which could become worse after looters without masks on packed stores.
? Unemployment, which has climbed above 32 percent in part because of the pandemic, also will almost certainly increase as thousands suddenly become jobless because the businesses where they worked have been destroyed.
? The turbulence was initially triggered by the imprisonment of South Africa’s former president, Jacob Zuma, for defying a court order to testify in a corruption inquiry. Mr. Zuma, though scarred by extensive allegations of graft, nevertheless retains a loyal following.
? The unrest quickly became about broader grievances against the government and its failure to uphold the promises of a democratic South Africa. It was as though the lid blew off a pot that had been boiling for years.

Nyoka (2021, July 16)
? South Africa President Cyril Ramaphosa has said the violence that has rocked the country was pre-planned, describing it as an assault on democracy. Riots were sparked by the jailing of former President Jacob Zuma.
? The death toll has risen to 212, up by almost 100 in 2 days. Police officers have been protecting deliveries of food to supermarkets after days of widespread looting led to shortages.
? An estimated $1bn (£720m) worth of stock was stolen in KwaZulu-Natal with at least 800 retail shops looted.
? In KwaZulu-Natal, many have been queuing for food, sometimes from the early hours of the morning just to get a few items.
People said they were concerned about feeding their families, getting formula and diapers for their babies, and even food for their pets.
? The week of violence in the province has left roads damaged or blocked by rioters and the government wants to make sure the food supply is not disrupted.
? Soldiers have been deployed to potential flashpoints and police are providing escorts for the transportation of oxygen, medicines and other key goods.
? The South African president said there was no shortage of food or supplies and urged people against panic buying. Nothing that more than 2,500 people had been arrested in connection with the unrest, the president urged South Africans to come together: "If we stand together, no insurrection or violence in this country will succeed. We are engaged in a struggle to defend our democracy, our Constitution, our livelihoods and our safety. his is not a battle that we can afford to lose."
? The president said the riots were an attempt to hijack South Africa's democracy. He told supporters that instigators had been identified, but did not elaborate.

Myeni (2021)
? At least 117 people have been killed during the widespread unrest that lasted nine days.
The devastation felt by families and communities, who have lost children as young as 14 years of age, is felt all over the country.
? As the government struggles to reach a consensus about what caused the civil unrest, community leaders have blamed poverty, gross inequality and rising unemployment.
? There is no question that these protests are a result of the socioeconomic conditions of this country.
? This will not be the last time that something like this happens. The notion of ‘rebuilding SA’ (a term popularised by the president since the riots), simply means returning to the status quo where poor Black people remain in precarious positions
? About 2,500 people have reportedly been arrested for charges ranging from damage to property, theft and robbery in relation to the riots.
? The civil unrest had mostly hit communities that are rife with informal settlements, inadequate housing and inhumane living conditions.

Levy, Hirsch and Naidoo (2021)
? South Africa was one of the 1990s iconic cases of democratization; however, beginning in the mid-2000s, the country began to experience a disruptive collision between its strong political institutions and massive economic inequality. The collision intensified across the 2010s, resulting in economic stagnation and increasing threats to institutional integrity.
? South Africa’s experience suggests four potentially useful lessons for the many countries struggling to maintain a positive social, political, and economic trajectory in the face of high or rising inequality.
1. The trajectory of change is a knife-edge. There is potential to create virtuous circles of positive interactions among ideas, institutions, and economic growth. But there also is substantial risk that unaddressed distributional imbalances could cause a cumulative downward spiral of decline.
2. Ideas matter—a hopeful vision of change, when combined with a “good enough” responsiveness to distributional concerns, can be sufficient to launch a positive trajectory.
3. Both ideas and institutions can be shields against adversity—but only up to a point. Hopeful ideas can evoke positive agency and help mobilize people for collective action. Institutions can function as shock absorbers. However, both ideas and institutions need reinforcement, including by addressing festering imbalances in economic and political power.
4. Initiating a new cycle of renewal requires a set of ideas and actions that address in a “good enough” way the imbalances resulting from derailment.
? For the first fifteen years of democracy, South Africa enjoyed the advantages of both effective institutions and a shared willingness of stakeholders believed in the power of cooperation. This enabled the country to move beyond counterproductive conflict and pursue win-win outcomes.
? Growth began to accelerate, which created new opportunities for expanding the middle class. Increased fiscal space made it possible to broaden access to public services and to social grants, which reduced absolute poverty.
? There were, however, some stark limitations in what was achieved. Gains for the poorest did little to alter their difficult economic and social realities.
? Less than a quarter of the total population, including essentially all white South Africans, enjoyed a standard of living that was middle class or better.
? There was ample reason for the majority of South Africans to feel that, notwithstanding the promises of mutual benefit, the deck remained stacked against them. This increased the vulnerability of South Africa’s political settlement.

Winning (2021)
? South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said the governing party “could and should” have done more to prevent corruption under his predecessor Jacob Zuma, in highly anticipated testimony to a graft inquiry.
? Ramaphosa, Zuma's former deputy, was appearing in his capacity as current leader of the African National Congress (ANC), a rare case of a sitting president giving evidence on recent alleged wrongdoing by members of his own party.
? Ramaphosa added that “corrosive corruption” had hurt the ANC’s support among voters, six months before local government elections at which the party will look to improve on its worst election results since the end of apartheid.
? Opposition parties held a gathering outside the building where the inquiry was being held and participants said Ramaphosa should personally shoulder some of the blame. Ramaphosa, the ANC's deputy leader from 2012 to 2017 and deputy president from 2014 until 2018, has made the fight against graft one of his calling cards.
? After he won a closely fought battle for the ANC leadership against Zuma's ex-wife in December 2017, his allies in the party engineered Zuma's ouster, allowing him to take over as head of state in February 2018, before Zuma's second five-year term was due to end.
? The "state capture" inquiry is probing allegations of graft during Zuma's nine years in power, including that Zuma allowed businessmen close to him - brothers Atul, Ajay and Rajesh Gupta - to influence policy and win lucrative government contracts.
? Over several days of testimony at the inquiry, Ramaphosa is expected to be asked what he knew about allegedly corrupt practices while serving alongside Zuma and why he did not act to stop them.
? The inquiry was set up during Zuma’s final weeks in office. Zuma appeared at it briefly in 2019 but defied a summons and court order to give more evidence earlier this year. The inquiry’s lawyers are seeking Zuma’s imprisonment as a result.

“Speculation on Wealth Tax Could Contribute to Further Emigration of South Africa's Wealthy” (2021)
? South Africa has become the latest country rumored to introduce a wealth tax with a recent study by the World Inequality Lab demonstrating that the tax could generate up to 160 billion rand ($10.7 billion dollars). Similarly, experts at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg have suggested establishing a progressive wealth tax for those earning above 3.6 million rand which accounts for 354,000 high-earners in the country. While there have been no plans as yet to establish the levy, the nation has advanced on its 'high wealth individual taxpayer' division.
? Announced during the February 2021 Budget Speech, the segment is aimed at cracking down on individuals who have not declared all their income due to 'complex financial agreements'.
? The South African Revenue Service (SARS) has already begun identifying wealthy citizens who fall under this bracket, with many expected to receive their first letter by May 2021.
? Extensive studies have shown that South Africa's wealthy population continues to decline with roughly 1,900 millionaires leaving since the last figure recorded in 2020.
? According to New World Wealth's Africa report, a total of 4,200 high net-worth individuals have left the country over the last decade. With the possibility of higher taxes for the wealthy, this number is likely to grow.
? As many countries attempt to recover from the economic fallout of the pandemic, the introduction of a wealth tax has become an increasingly popular solution to tackle this.
While some experts have concluded that a wealth tax could be a short-term tool to raise revenue, many others have also highlighted the concerns attached to the taxation.
? The Caribbean has become an ideal destination for South Africans who want to remain in a similar environment without the disadvantages of their home country. The region is responsible for pioneering the Citizenship by Investment Programme – an initiative that encourages foreign investors to contribute to the economy of a nation in exchange for citizenship and the associated benefits.


Ngqambela (2020)
? South Africa’s economy has taken a hit during the Covid-19 pandemic.
? The announcement by Statistics SA that South Africa’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) plummeted by 51% in the second quarter of 2020 sent shock waves across the country, leaving many South Africans fearful and frustrated because the future looks increasingly grim.
The pandemic has deepened South Africa’s economic woes, but the economy was already in a fragile position with many deep-rooted, continuous issues plaguing the country for some time, these include the following:
1) A healthcare system in tatters;
2) One of the highest unemployment rates in the world;
3) Inequality;
4) Poor leadership;
5) Factions and political instability;
6) Poor implementation of governance and accountability mechanisms;
7) Policy discord; and
8) Increasing national debt.
? The second quarter of 2020, which may be known as the pandemic quarter, has had ripple effects on economic growth in areas such as employment and development and various sectors which have been affected including agriculture, mining, electricity and manufacturing.
? The economic uncertainties that are associated with the lockdown in South Africa — and the world — have led to massive declines in investment and international trade, which have caused further economic contraction and has pushed many South African households into a position of food insecurity.
? The majority of children, who are from poor and disadvantaged communities, continue to lag behind in terms of education.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) recently released its findings from the Socio-Economic Impact Assessment report which looked into the implications of the outbreak in society and the economy with specific focus on the vulnerable and disadvantaged.
? The resident co-ordinator of the UN in South Africa, Nardos Bekele-Thomas said: “The pandemic is more than a health crisis, it’s an economic, a humanitarian, security, and a human rights crisis. Today more than ever, inequalities within and among nations are being exposed and exacerbated by Covid-19 as the poor and vulnerable are unable to protect themselves.”

Mlaba (2020)
? A new report from Oxfam South Africa details the country’s deepening inequalities by showing the income and lifestyle differences between white men and women, and Black men and women.
? In 2019, the World Bank recognized South Africa as the most unequal country in the world, meaning that South Africa’s economy does not equally benefit all of its citizens. The World Bank also reported that the richest 20% of people in South Africa control almost 70% of the resources.
It is not just the income inequality that is worrying, but also unequal access to opportunities and essential services.

Friedman (2021)
? Student poverty ensures that inequality is passed from one generation to the next. If only those who have enough are assured not only of an education but also of the material support needed to do well, the gap between the well-off and the rest will continue to grow and universities will continue to act as inequality factories.
? To insist that no one should be denied an education because they have no money is to demand concrete action against poverty and inequality. A further plus is that, if these demands are met, the money is likely to come out of university budgets and so will not mean less for schools or other public services.
If we want a more equal country, no one should be denied a higher education because they can’t afford to pay for it. Whether you go to university and achieve a degree should depend on your academic ability, not the size of your family’s bank balance. The problem of student poverty runs deep, as thousands cannot afford three meals a day, which makes it far more difficult to study.

Daley (2021)
? South Africans negotiated a democracy that replaced the parliamentary supremacy of the apartheid era with constitutional supremacy. The new constitution contains a bill of rights with the unusual inclusion of socio-economic rights alongside liberal rights. This foregrounded human dignity relative to freedom and equality, and non-racialism as a principle.
? Non-racialism is South Africa’s unique contribution to the global war against racism because it strategically unifies society beyond race in defiance of apartheid’s imposed racial differences. This necessarily involves actively combating racism.
? The global reverence for South Africa as a country that could generate “an alternative meaning of what our world might be” has dissipated. Anti-constitution pessimism and opportunism has been on the rise. A lack of meaningful redistribution of wealth has provided an opportunity for politicians to proclaim that constitutional democracy has failed. This is true for people inside as well as outside the ruling African National Congress (ANC).
? Scholars influenced by decolonial theories have criticized the constitutional order as a form of “neo-apartheid” that merely perpetuates white privilege. Non-racialism has been dismissed as “color-blindness” that hinders the correction of race-based inequalities.
? In the 1990s, a commonly held view was that South Africa had achieved a “miracle” because of its relatively peaceful political transition from apartheid to inclusive democracy in 1994.
? The “miracle” consisted of South Africans talking their way out of decades of increasingly brutal apartheid rule. They struck a deal whereby the white minority relinquished power to a racially inclusive government in a constitutional democracy.

“South Africa remains a nation of insiders and outsiders, 27 years after democracy” (2021)
? Since South Africa is highly unequal and remains divided into insiders and outsiders – those who benefit from the market economy and those who can’t – we might expect its politics to be a loud battle between those who have and those who don’t. Most commentators believe it is.
? Within the governing African National Congress (ANC), a battle rages between the “radical economic transformation forces”, who purport to champion the interests of the poor majority, and their market-friendly opponents.
Outside it, the third biggest party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), some in the ANC alliance and the advocates of black consciousness and pan-Africanism are assumed to speak for those who live in poverty.
? Over the past few years, the country has witnessed a furious debate over whether the government should be able to expropriate land without compensation. Only one group has been ignored – the millions of landless people who have the greatest stake in the outcome.
? During the first year of Covid-19, a debate raged over whether lockdown measures were needed. The official opposition, the Democratic Alliance, echoed the global right-wing by demanding that all activity be allowed. The EFF insisted that nothing should be opened. The ANC claimed to adopt a “scientific” approach in which public health and the economy’s needs were balanced.
? None of them spoke for – and to – the majority who were forced to travel on taxis which they knew might spread the virus, to earn incomes in ways which might infect them, and whose need was to find a way to feed their families without falling ill.
Insider politics shapes another conflict which divides “left” and “right” – the demand for free higher education. This is a rallying cry of the left which is denounced by opponents as a Marxist assault on the market economy. But the “left” demand boils down to insisting that the children of the corporate and professional elite should be educated at public expense. This, would, of course, mean that less money would be available to address the needs of people living in poverty.

There are many other examples which underline a reality in which no-one speaks for the outsiders except some local organizations which are ignored by the mainstream debate. It is why policies aimed at ending the exclusion of the outsiders – or at least at helping them to survive – usually fail. They are products of what insider politics think the majority need, not what the outsiders want.


“Major BEE changes are coming for some of South Africa’s biggest industries” (2021)
? While there are various drivers of local empowerment and ownership requirements in Africa, one key driver appears to be gaining ground: ‘national interest’ empowerment. There is a growing emphasis on regulating ownership in economic sectors and activities that historically have not been regulated.
? The author cites South Africa’s private security industry and the fact that the government has raised concerns that significant foreign ownership in private security companies could pose a threat to national security. South Africa – which is said to have one of the largest private security industries in the world – is gearing up to introduce local ownership requirements in the industry.
? The Private Security Industry Regulation Amendment Bill proposes that at least 51% of the ownership of both existing and new security services providers must be held by South African citizens. The bill has been pending since 2012 and has yet to be signed into law by the president.
there has also been a flurry of regulatory activity in the telecommunications and broadcasting services, with most of the changes designed to ensure local participation in new telecoms networks.
? On April 1, 2021, the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (Icasa) announced new regulations aimed at promoting historically disadvantaged South Africans in the ICT sector. Among the changes is a requirement for licensees to comply with the mandatory equity ownership requirements, 30% equity ownership by black people and level 4 BBEEE status.
? The regulations also establish penalties of up to R5 million or 10% of the licensees annual turnover where a licensee fails to maintain the mandatory minimum requirement.
? In addition, South Africa is also revisiting its ownership requirements in broadcasting and telecommunications. Its draft regulations propose setting new broad-based black economic empowerment (B-BBEE) ownership for both those sectors.
? Until relatively recently, restrictions on foreign participation on the continent tended to be limited and focused on a few big-ticket sectors, such as aviation, logistics, mining, oil and gas and broadcasting and telecommunications. Now, restrictions are also being found in sectors that were not previously regulated.
? The variety of regulations and proposed changes can make investment decisions quite complicated, especially for investors with cross-border operations. In turn, African governments are generally aware that, amid intense domestic pressure to facilitate local citizen inclusion and participation, there is an important role for direct foreign investment to play in economic growth.
? A balance must be found to avoid the potential unintended consequence of constrained economic growth.


Daley (2021)
? Citizen anger about corruption, a constant theme in South African political debate, reacts to a very real problem. This was underlined recently by news that well-connected people had enriched themselves at the expense of efforts to contain COVID-19. What is not real is the widespread belief that corruption is both new and easy to fix.
? Reactions to corruption portray it as a product of African National Congress (ANC) rule (or majority rule for those who cling to the prejudice that black people cannot govern). In this view, it will disappear when the governing party gets serious about corruption or loses power.
? In reality, however, corruption has been a constant feature of South African political life for much of the past 350 years. It is deeply embedded and it will take a concerted effort, over years, not days, to defeat it.
The most corrupt period in the country’s history was the last few years of apartheid, when the attempt to combat the successful international sanctions campaign made corruption, protected by government secrecy, the core government strategy. This was often done with the collusion of private businesses.

“What young people have to say about race and inequality in South Africa” (2020)
? Young South Africans are being socialized into a highly racialized society and experience severe disparities. Expecting them to eradicate racism without dismantling material inequalities is a deferral of adult responsibility.
? Young people involved in the study were deeply aware of inequality. For them, reducing inequality was a priority if the country was to move towards a better future.
? It is notable that non-racialism was not a concept volunteered by any of the students as a future ideal, despite it being a constitutional principle in South Africa.
? At present there is little clarity on the meaning of non-racialism. It is equated to a multiplicity of ideas, among them mobilization against apartheid, multiracialism, multiculturalism, nation-building, and race-blindness.
? What students did want eradicated from their utopia was racial discrimination and racism. The meanings they attached to race shifted depending on the conversation, for example, race when it related to racial quotas as opposed to race when it related to culture, identity or politics.
? In addition, racial identities played an important role in these young people’s sense of self; however, some thought it is the “weirdest thing ever” that people sit in “race groups” during lunch breaks. They make sense of this by explaining that people sit with others who share their culture. Using race and culture as proxies for each other is very much part of the South African experience of racialization.
? The “commitment” to racial identities, however, was more complex than it first appeared. There was an uneasiness between accepting and feeling pride in racial identities, and not wanting them to count as measures of social value. They frequently vocalized a rejection of racial stereotypes and racism.
? Using a methodology called Dreaming Workshops, this study explored how Grade 11 students, of around 16 and 17 years old, from five different schools in the South African coastal city of Durban imagined race, racism and non-racialism in a utopian future.
? The five schools that participated in this study, three government and two private, are located in a middle-class, formerly “white” area in Durban. The schools have, on average, a diverse but mostly middle-class student body, with some students travelling from townships to attend class.
? Under apartheid townships were poorly resourced and under-serviced residential spaces designated for people racialized as black.
? Each school in the study had approximately 20 students per class. One school markets itself as girls-only, one as boys-only, the other three are open to all genders.

Jim (2021)
? During the pandemic at least 1.4 million workers lost their jobs, raising the expanded definition of unemployment rate to a staggering 42.6 per cent.
? More job losses are expected because SOEs are being actively being restructured for the benefit of private capital. Thousands of workers have suffered just so that corrupt capitalist cronies of the ANC can continue to enrich themselves, at the expense of the working class.
? At the same time, thousands of families suffered during lockdown because of non-payment of Temporary Employment Relief Scheme (TERS) caused by mismanagement and corruption of government officials.
? The governing ANC has been a dismal failure in addressing the most important challenge facing our country, namely unemployment, poverty and inequality, and this was the case before covid-19 arrived.
? The ANC has betrayed its historic mission in order to pander to the demands of neo-liberal factions of capital. Treasury is leading the attack against the working class by implementing an austerity budget with drastic cost cutting measures which are directly targeting ordinary working-class families.
? The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa is not celebrating Freedom Day on April 27, 2021 because there is very little for the working-class majority of this country to celebrate.
? In 1994 the Black and African majority participated in elections for the very first time, following decades of oppressive rule by the racist apartheid state. It was a historical moment for our people as millions queued for the very first time to make their mark, in the country’s first democratic elections. South Africans believed that by making a simple mark on the ballot sheet, centuries of colonial subjugation and suffering would be brought to an end and believed that democracy would mean equality and freedom for everyone.
? Unfortunately, history has shown how wrong they were. Twenty-seven years after the working class paid the ultimate price with their blood to end the apartheid system, the African majority remains enslaved by the bondage of poverty, unemploy-ment and crippling inequality.

Combating corruption (2021)
? The World Bank Group emphasizes that corruption [is] a major challenge to its twin goals of ending extreme poverty by 2030 and boosting shared prosperity for the poorest 40 percent of people in developing countries.
? Corruption in South Africa has a disproportionate impact on the poor and most vulnerable, increasing costs and reducing access to services, including health, education and justice.
? Corruption in the procurement of drugs and medical equipment drives up costs and can lead to sub-standard or harmful products. The human costs of counterfeit drugs and vaccinations on health outcomes and the life-long impacts on children far exceed the financial costs.
? Unofficial payments for services can have a particularly pernicious effect on poor people. Empirical studies have shown that the poor pay the highest percentage of their income in bribes. Some studies have suggested that the poor may even be preyed upon since they are seen as powerless to complain.
? In addition, corruption impedes investment, with consequent effects on growth and jobs.
? Countries capable of confronting corruption use their human and financial resources more efficiently, attract more investment, and grow more rapidly.
? Corruption erodes trust in government and undermines the social contract.
? This is cause for concern across the globe, but particularly in contexts of fragility and violence, as corruption fuels and perpetuates the inequalities and discontent that lead to fragility, violent extremism, and conflict.
? Every stolen or misdirected rand robs the poor of an equal opportunity in life and prevents governments from investing in their human capital.


“South Africa: Broken and unequal education perpetuating poverty and inequality” (2020)
? The South African education system, characterized by crumbling infrastructure, overcrowded classrooms and relatively poor educational outcomes, is perpetuating inequality and as a result failing too many of its children, with the poor hardest hit.
? The Amnesty International report particularly highlights poor infrastructure in public schools including sanitation which has tragically resulted in the death of two children in pit latrines in recent years.
? The report also noted that in order for South Africa to comply with both its own constitutional and international human rights obligations with respect to education, major change is needed urgently.
? The right to quality education includes having a school where learners are safe to learn and have the adequate infrastructure and facilities to do so, but this is not the reality for many learners in the country.
? The result of this modern-day South Africa is that a child’s experience of education still very much depends on where they are born, how wealthy they are, and the color of their skin.
? A report by Amnesty International, “Broken and Unequal: The State of Education in South Africa” calls on the government to urgently address a number of endemic failings in the educational system in order to guarantee the right to a decent education for every child in South Africa.
? The report details how the education system continues to be dogged by stark inequalities and chronic underperformance that have deep roots in the legacy of apartheid, but which are also not being effectively tackled by the current government.
? Many schools and the communities they serve continue to live with the consequences of the political and economic decisions made during the apartheid era where people were segregated according to their skin color, with schools serving white communities properly resourced.

Mlaba (2020b)
In 2019, the World Bank determined that South Africa is the most unequal country in the world — and the recently released 2020 UN Human Development Index and Human Development Report show that the country has made little to no progress in eradicating its inequalities.
? South Africa has been ranked 114 out of 189 countries assessed in the index due to its declining standards of living and worsening income inequality.
? Since 2014, the country has dropped two ranks lower on the index, and as the Covid-19 pandemic has resulted in the loss of more than 2 million job losses, the case of South Africa’s inequality is expected to get worse.
? The country’s inequality in life expectancy and education also ranks as some of the highest deviations in the world.
? The HDR also indicates that there are a number of South African citizens living below the international poverty line. The report notes that 18.9% of the population — about 11 million South Africans — live on less than R28 ($1.90) a day, which is around R800 ($55) per month.
? South Africa is grappling with great inequalities, which contribute to extreme poverty. The United Nations’ 17 Global Goals together work towards ending extreme poverty and its systemic causes.
? These goals can only be achieved, however, if unequal countries like South Africa come to terms with serious inequalities and work towards sustainable solutions to eradicate poverty.



Taken together, South Africa is confronted with a myriad of complex, deeply rooted problems that have further exacerbated the nation’s inequalities in ways that likely could not have been foreseen with any accuracy in 1994, but which have nevertheless manifested themselves in insidious ways. Given the enormity of the problems and the high stakes that are involved for tens of millions of South Africans today, identifying, implementing and administering effective and timely strategies to directly address these issues have assumed increasing importance.
Although the following list of initiatives, programs and reforms set forth in Table 4 below that are designed to reduce income and other inequalities in South Africa is not exhaustive, it does reflect the types of efforts that have been used in the recent past or which are currently being used for these purposes.




Table 4
Initiatives, programs and reforms designed to reduce income inequality in South Africa
Source
Key findings
Comments

De Waal, M (2015)
? Although South Africa’s public school system is among the world most expensive, it provides such poor educational outcomes that it is trapping people in a vicious cycle of lifelong under- and unemployment.
? Moreover, deracializing the South African school system failed to resolve the problem. The Partners for Possibility is a civic effort that aims to teach public schools in South Africa how to reboot, and to change the lives of learners in the hope of bringing equal education to all by 2022.
? A major break-through has been an initiative between the schools, UCT and The Dell Foundation that sees teachers doing advanced maths to sharpen their skills and understanding of the subject. This is likely to boost maths literacy and outcomes at the schools even further in coming years.

? Changing the school system cannot be left to the South African government alone because it is a crisis of such magnitude that business and civic society needs to pitch in and help.
? Previously the schools were very insulated and separate from each other. What Partners for Possibility has done is to create a network or a community of principals. This is new thinking for public education. Previously every class, every teacher would do what they need to do - which was to work in silos.
? Because of apartheid, educators had this notion that nobody cares about us. People would drown in their own sorrows and then become dependent. This was about waiting for someone to come and rescue us. But when the lights go on, people realize that they do not have to wait for anyone. They realize that in the classroom they can change the world.

“Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) program” (2020).
Through its black economic empowerment (BEE) policy, the South African government aims to achieve the following ambitious objectives:
1. Empower more black people to own and manage enterprises (enterprises are regarded as black-owned if 51% of the enterprise is owned by black people, and black people have substantial management control of the business).
2. Achieve a substantial change in the racial composition of ownership and management structures and in the skilled occupations of existing and new enterprises.
3. Promote access to finance for black economic empowerment.
4. Empower rural and local communities by enabling their access to economic activities, land, infrastructure, ownership and skills.
5. Promote human resource development of black people through, for example, mentorships, learnerships and internships.
6. Increase the extent to which communities, workers, co-operatives and other collective enterprises own and manage existing and new enterprises, and increase their access to economic activities, infrastructure and skills.
7. Ensure that black-owned enterprises benefit from the government’s preferential procurement policies.
8. Assist in the development of the operational and financial capacity of BEE enterprises, especially small, medium and micro enterprises (SMMEs) and black- owned enterprises.
9. Increase the extent to which black women own and manage existing and new enterprises, and facilitate their access to economic activities, infrastructure and skills training.
? South Africa’s policy of black economic empowerment (BEE later BBBEE) is not simply a moral initiative to redress the wrongs of the past, it is a pragmatic growth strategy that aims to realize the country’s full economic potential while helping to bring the black majority into the economic mainstream.
? In the decades before South Africa achieved democracy in 1994, the apartheid government systematically excluded African, Indian and colored people from meaningful participation in the country’s economy. Despite the many economic gains made in the country since 1994, the racial divide between rich and poor remains.
? One element of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) policy is companies’ contribution to socio-economic development. This is translated into encouragement for companies to give back to the community through Corporate Social Investment (CSI).
? Under the BBBEE guidelines 1% of net profit before tax should be spent on social development, whereby companies are encouraged to have at least 75% non-white beneficiaries.
? BBBEE is enforced through preferential procurement, and compliance is necessary when companies aim to do business with government or large corporations.
? Most companies operating in South Africa therefore have a CSI policy whereby they support some form of charity or other type of development projects.

Simson (2020)
? This findings that emerged from this study called for more country-level comparisons of inequality trends, to highlight the multiplicity of paths in this latest phase of globalization.
? The political and economic drivers of inequality decline in countries with a steady fall in the Gini suggests some common trends across the globe, including the role of democratization, the rise of new social movements, and the expansion of education and social safety nets and favorable commodity prices, in reducing income disparities.
? This researcher surveys data and literature on recent inequality trends in Latin America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East and found that in these regions, there are more countries with falling than rising inequality over the past 20 years, as measured by Ginis of income or consumption inequality.
? At the global level, therefore, there are signs of inequality convergence, as inequality has been falling in countries with high inequality in the 1990s, and rising in historically low-inequality countries.

Crouch, Rolleston and Gustafsson (2021)
? These researchers show how various factors such as gender or wealth impact learning levels, but also show that systems-related inequality, not directly related to such factors, is typically much larger than inequality associated with any of those factors.
? The findings from this study also show that countries progress from very low average levels of achievement to middle levels more by reducing the percentage of students with very low scores (that is, by paying attention to the 'bulging' left-hand tail of the distribution) than by increasing the percentage of high performing students.
? Unlike in the case of income, where vast reductions in income poverty seem possible without reducing income inequality, the evidence presented here suggests that this typically does not happen with learning levels: inequality reduction, reductions in percentages below a low level, and improvements in the averages are all empirically connected.
The availability of micro data from a particular case allows exploration of the relationship between inequality measures and measures of the percentage of students below a low level of achievement and shows that, at least in that case, the reduction in inequality that accompanies improvements in the average levels takes place mostly through a reduction in the percentage below a low level. More work is needed to show whether that connection is also causal.

Scarlato and d’Agostino (2019)
? Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by a marked expansion of social grants provided to vulnerable groups, such as persons with disabilities (Disability Grant), older persons (Old Age Pension), and children (Child Support Grant or CSG) in poor households.
? This policy, which is centered on increasing the coverage of unconditional and means-test cash transfers, was implemented under social and political pressure to overcome the highly inequitable inheritance of the previous social security system, which was strongly marked by racial discrimination, and to reduce the widespread poverty and inequalities.
? The CSG supports the changing living arrangements of a household's members in vulnerable and extended families that have to cope with poverty and the weak conditions of the South African labor market.
? The CSG seems to help the men, who have better chances of finding jobs suitable for their expectations in reallocating their labor or searching for job opportunities. Women are less affected by the CSG. Most of them do not leave the employment state, but it is stressed that when they do, they exit altogether from the labor market.
? The empirical analysis is based on the dataset provided by the National Income Dynamic Study (NIDS), which was implemented by the South African Labor and Development Research Unit (SALDRU) of the University of Cape Town.
? The NIDS is available for the waves 2008, 2010–11, and 2012 and allows a face-to-face longitudinal survey of household residents in South Africa. Its aim was to follow a sample of household members and register changes in household compositions and migrations and several dimensions of well-being (such as incomes, expenditures, assets, access to social services, education, health, and employment).
? The dataset also includes information on the beneficiary households of the social grants provided by the government.

Martins (2017)
The main tools that have been used by the South African government to address income inequalities across the country include social grants, (including those specifically for children) and policies to generate jobs.
Although poverty has been slightly reduced, it remains widespread and the level of inequality has deepened.

Arie, Bright and Dominque (2020)
? Based on a qualitative case study in and around South Africa’s Pilanesberg National Park, these researchers assess whether this seemingly contradictory policy combination elicits the empowerment of traditionally marginalized actors. Using an institutional approach to evaluating sustainable development policy, the authors found that the substantive aspects of South Africa's policies are widely acknowledged in the Pilanesberg area. The problem rests with the procedural aspects of how to deal with the shared responsibility of stakeholders with different interests and levels of authority.
? The authors conclude that power can be meaningfully shifted to community stakeholders only when the investments of global and national-level players are redirected towards establishing a system of procedures to solve local-level disparities in skills and power between the "jointly responsible" actors.
? These disparities currently result in deadlocks regarding local sustainable development in the Pilanesberg area, despite promising multi-level policies implemented in the post-apartheid era to avoid such situations.
Many developing countries aim at balancing macro-level, growth-oriented economic policies with local community-based development strategies under the auspices of global governance organizations. South Africa adopts such a strategy to be competitive in the global market and, simultaneously, to alleviate domestic socio-spatial inequalities inherited from the apartheid period.

Mayombe (2017)
? Adult non-formal adult education and training (NFET) has become a significant developmental agenda after the World Education Forum convened in April 2000, had approved the Dakar Framework for Action to the achievement of Education for All (EFA).
? The World Education Forum stressed the importance
of ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are
met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life skills
programs. This empirical study investigated what constitutes NFET enabling environments for employment.
? The findings that emerged from this study indicated that managers did not create adequate linkages that could enable graduates to access needed post-training support, community resources, public goods and services.
? Based on these findings, the author concludes that without linking the non-formal adult education programs to external stakeholders, graduates will continue to find it difficult to be employed or to start small businesses which perpetuate unemployment and chronic poverty in South Africa.
Governments, organizations, agencies and associations represented at the World Education Forum had to
implement six main goals of EFA as follows:
1. Expand and improve comprehensive early childhood care and education, especially for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged children;
2. Ensure that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, those in difficult circumstances, and those belonging to ethnic minorities, have access to and complete, free and compulsory primary education of good quality;
3. Ensure that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life-skills programs;
4. Achieve a 50% improvement in adult literacy by 2015, especially for women, and equitable access to basic and continuing education for all adults;
5. Eliminate gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and achieve gender equality in education by 2015, with a focus on ensuring girls' full and equal access to and achievement in basic education of good quality; and,
6. Improve all aspects of the quality of education and ensure the excellence of all so that recognized and measurable learning outcomes are achieved by all, especially in literacy, numeracy and essential life skills

Mayombe1 and Lombard (2015)
? Public and private non-formal adult education and training (NFET) centers in South Africa aim to meet the training needs of adults who have been deprived of formal education with courses which foster access to opportunities for skills acquisition and employment and bring about social and economic inclusion.
? However, many adults who were facing long-term unemployment due to a lack of marketable skills remain unemployed after completing NFET programs.
? These researchers found that centers focusing on activities suitable for self-employment during training were more likely to create internal enabling environments for skills acquisition and income generation than centers offering courses designed for entering paid employment.
? The authors conclude that there appears to be a significant correlation between NFET centers’ training program objectives, financial resources, trainee selection criteria, the process of
training needs assessment, and skills acquisition for successful employment outcomes of NFET graduates.
? Non-formal adult education and training in South Africa is instrumental in breaking the high level of poverty and decreasing the social inequality the country continues to face as a post-apartheid democracy.
? Without these internal enabling factors, adult trainees are likely to continue finding it difficult to integrate into the labor market or participate
in economic activities and hence break the cycle of poverty and social exclusion.

Schneider (2018)
? The few elements of ANC policy that were not neoliberal in character were responsible for the successes that have occurred since 1994.
? The expansion of the safety net has been the major accomplishment of the ANC government. In 2014-2015, the government allocated 11.1 percent of its spending (3.3% of GDP) to social expenditures, giving South Africa one of the largest social grant programs in the developing world.
? Social grants assist a vast number of people: 45.5 percent of households received at least one form of social grant (family and children, old age, sickness and disability, or social protection) in 2015.
? Social grants have stabilized the incomes of the poor and prevented inequality from worsening even further. Poverty has been reduced somewhat, as the percentage of people living below the national poverty line has declined from 66.6 percent in 2005 to 55.5 percent in 2014, although the amount of poverty is still disturbingly high.
? There have also been improvements in housing, access to healthcare, and education, although much still needs to be done in all of these areas.
In macroeconomic terms, however, the result has been a dismal failure.
? The major failures of the ANC’s neoliberal policies were (i) an increase in financialization, accompanied by a lack of development, which resulted in poor income growth and high unemployment; and (ii) an increase in inequality, as well as the perpetuation of racial segregation and animosity.
The ANC adopted a mostly neoliberal approach to development, mitigated by small efforts to alleviate poverty via modest expansions in the safety net, and some corporatist elements. The main policies pursued by the ANC were the following:
1. Acceptance of the apartheid-era debt;
2. Austerity to balance budgets, including retrenchments, cuts in infrastructure spending, and attacks on public sector unions to reduce wages;
3. Opening of financial markets and elimination of foreign exchange controls;
4. Dramatic reduction of tariffs and the implementation of free-trade policies;
5. Privatization of the large state sector constructed by the apartheid regime;
6. Deregulation of many aspects of microeconomic markets; and
7. No significant redistribution - corporations and individuals were allowed to keep the gains they made under apartheid.



Mnkeni-Saurombe and Zimu (2015)
? Community libraries are internationally recognized as social institutions that can affect social and economic transformation in society. In South Africa, this is clearly manifested by the provision of a conditional government grant for the development of community libraries in the country.
? The Department of Arts and Culture started this project in 2007. Despite this recognition for community libraries, their role in tackling inequalities in society is not always clear.
? Findings from the literature and reports from the Department of Arts and Culture suggest that community libraries are playing an important role in curbing inequalities.
? The researchers also report on the progress of the Department of Arts and Culture’s conditional grant community library project.
? Though there has been some progress in the project but challenges still exist and more effort and support are required. It is vital that community library services be developed and sustained as these libraries can have a positive influence on the development of society.
Tackling inequalities in society remains a serious challenge for post-apartheid South Africa. This battle calls for a multifaceted approach that involves various stakeholders including community libraries.

Mlaba (2020)
? The Abalami Bezehkaya project teaches people better farming techniques and sells fresh produce weekly to generate incomes for the farmers involved.
? In a move to correct the injustices of the past, the South African government is releasing underutilized state-owned land for public ownership, with the aim to sell most of the land to Black farmers.
? The Department of Agriculture, Land Reform, and Rural Development (DLRD) announced that they will be releasing 896 state-owned farms for public purchase, or to lease over a period of 30 years.
? In order to make sure that the land is used for farming purposes, the lease will be non-transferrable. The government aims to prioritize Black farmers in this process.
? In addition, the process also shines a light on women, the youth, and people with disabilities in order to further level the land-ownership playing field.
? Although they form the majority of the population, Black South Africans currently own the least amount of land for farming and agriculture (4%), followed closely by Indian people (5%) — in comparison, white people own 72% of farms and agricultural holdings owned by individuals.
? Past laws that were implemented before the apartheid era and heavily enforced during apartheid prohibited Black people from owning or leasing land, which led to most of the agricultural land in South Africa being owned by white people.
? The UN’s Global Goal 10 calls for equality and prosperity for all — but racial inequality’s relationship with the Global Goals goes much further, impacting goals for health, education, and more. Take action here and join the movement to end racial inequality and achieve the UN’s Global Goals.

de Villiers (2021)
? The Bertha Centre for Social Innovation & Entrepreneurship works to pursue social impact towards social justice in Africa with a systems lens on social innovation within innovative finance, health, education and youth development.
? The aim of this study was to demonstrate the capacity for social innovation in health with respect for South Africa, and to highlight some current innovations that respond to issues of health equity such as accessibility, affordability, and acceptability.
? South Africa’s health care system may be viewed, to a large extent, as a reflection of the issues facing other Southern African countries with a similar disease burden, lack of systemic infrastructure and cohesiveness, and societal inequalities.
? The evolving health landscape in South Africa and the reforms being undertaken to prepare for a National Healthcare Insurance presents the opportunity to understand effective models of care provision as developed in other African contexts, and to translate these models as appropriate to the South African environment.
? Despite the end of apartheid in the early 1990s, South Africa remains racially and economically segregated. The country is beset by persistent social inequality, poverty, unemployment, a heavy burden of disease and the inequitable quality of healthcare service provision.
? The South African health system is currently engaged in the complex project of establishing universal health coverage that ensures the system’s ability to deliver comprehensive care that is accessible, affordable and acceptable to patients and families, while acknowledging the significant pressures to which the system is subject.




The initiatives described in Table 4 above represent just some of the efforts that are being made by the public and private sectors in South Africa to directly address the nation’s myriad inequalities. These efforts suggest that the miracle that was promised in 1994 has not died, but has rather been on life support for many years but the prognosis is cautiously optimistic assuming that current political leaders are able to come to grips with the corruption and inefficiencies that continue to plague the country at present.
As the recent deadly riots confirmed, however, time is running out and substantive changes must be implemented if South Africa is to realize its post-apartheid promise of equality for all. Some useful public-private partnerships have been used in other developing nations to directly address the types of challenges that the South African people and government face today as set forth in Table 5 below,
Table 5
Considerations and Advantages of Public-Private Partnerships for South African Economic Development
Source
Key Findings
Comments

The World Bank Group’s Overview of Public- Private Partnerships (2021)
? Building modern, sustainable, and reliable infrastructure is critical for meeting the rising aspirations of billions of people around the globe—and for addressing the climate change challenge.
? Public-private partnerships (PPPs) can be a tool to get more quality infrastructure services to more people.
? When designed well and implemented in a balanced regulatory environment, PPPs can bring greater efficiency and sustainability to the provision of public services such as energy, transport, telecommunications, water, healthcare, and education. PPPs can also allow for better allocation of risk between public and private entities.
? Private sector financing provides two key functions in a PPP:
1) It complements public sector financing and allows projects to go forward that otherwise would have been discarded due to fiscal constraints; and,
2) It creates an incentive mechanism aligning private and public interests.
? The World Bank Group provides numerous resources for PPP initiatives, including the various finance structures utilized for PPPs, and how governments can adjust contractual provisions to the financial environment, help develop markets, mitigate risks, and enhance credit.
? Infrastructure investment helps raise economic growth rates, offers new economic opportunities, and facilitates investment in human capital.
? The numbers are stark: about 800 million people live without electricity; 2.2 billion people lack safely managed drinking water service. Congested and inadequate ports, airports, and roadways are a drag on growth and trade.
? In addition, much work is needed to make PPP projects "investor-ready" and to develop innovative frameworks to leverage private investment.

Leigland (2018)
? Proponents of PPPs for infrastructure services in developing countries have long battled criticism of these arrangements by civil society groups.
? The view among PPP advocates generally has been that these criticisms are mostly ideological polemics that mix opinion with selected but often misinterpreted facts; however, over the last two decades, as the experience with PPPs has increased in both developed and developing countries, a different kind of critique has emerged, one that is based on non-ideological empirical research, and is sometimes expressed by PPP advocates.
? The research to date has largely focused on individual aspects of PPPs, and usually do not claim to be “PPP evaluations” or express opinions on the overall value of PPPs.
? Taken together, a powerful, evidence-based critique of PPPs is emerging, but one that is more measured than much of the criticism of the last two decades. ? This new critique recognizes many cases in which PPPs have not been successful, but also some situations in which PPPs can generate value for money. Because of its critical tone, some of this research is now regularly cited by the civil society critics of PPPs, giving their arguments more weight than was the case a decade ago.
? Evaluations show that PPPs can outperform public sector firms, and are useful tools for reform of service delivery; however, it is no longer clear that PPPs are consistently better run than public firms.
? The evidence suggests that well-run public firms tend to match the performance of private firms in regulated sectors
? Global support for public-private partnerships (PPPs) for infrastructure seems stronger than ever before.
? Discussions in G20 meetings over the last several years have increasingly focused on the need for a huge scale-up in infrastructure investment in developing countries, particularly low-income countries. G20 pronouncements talk about the advantages of realizing this scale-up via large, “transformational” projects involving private sector participation. By this they mean large, regional, or cross-border infrastructure projects involving private investment and management, which potentially have positive, transformational impacts on entire countries or regions.
? From time to time over this period, the G20 has considered efforts to help modify the mandates of national and international development banks so that these institutions will take the lead on such PPPs and crowd in the private sector.
? As the enthusiasm for PPPs is growing, so is a less widely recognized body of research that takes a much more measured approach; it still represents a kind of advocacy, but one that incorporates a greater degree of critical analysis of PPP successes and failures.
? A recent example of this is evident in a World Bank working paper that notes that despite more than two decades of use and refinement of the PPP mechanism, there are still no consistent geographical patterns of usage.
? The general picture is one of waves of enthusiasm for PPPs followed by some disenchantment and consolidation. Different countries were caught up in the waves at different times.

Hodge and Greve (2018)
? Public–private partnerships (PPPs) have become a popular global strategy for delivering new infrastructure.
PPP is vast in terms of possibilities and strong in its appeal and as a phenomenon, it is as political as it is technical or economic.
? Some researchers conceptualize the growth in popularity in PPP initiatives as having meaning across five different levels:
1) a specific infrastructure project;
2) an organisational form or project delivery approach;
3) a policy, brand, statement or symbol as to the role of the private sector in a mixed economy;
4) a tool in the modern governance task; and,
5) a phenomenon within the context of broader historical and cultural assumptions.
? From a business perspective, the way PPP deals are financed has been a centrally important part of the PPP project.
? Which sector completes which project task, the extent of finance from each sector, the project to be delivered, which party bears which risks, the strength of incentives for performance, as well as issues of transparency, and the fabric to be applied to accountability and governance matters were always fundamental dimensions.
? A number of definitions of PPPs exist, with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), for example, defining PPPs as ‘long term contractual arrangements between the government and a private partner whereby the latter delivers and funds public services using a capital asset, sharing the associated risk.’
? Irrespective of how PPPs are defined, they are an important and innovative part of today's public infrastructure agenda.
? Different countries already had quite different versions of what constituted a PPP. There had always been many choices as to which sector could take responsibility for each part of the delivery process and hundreds of ways of structuring contracts to emphasise whatever dimension either party wished to pursue.

Oechler-Solana (2014)
? There is a growing recognition among NGOs, the international community and national governments of developing countries that a synergistic effect can be attained by combining the efforts of the public and private sectors to achieve the economic development.
? For instance, according to the guidance provided by the author emphasizes that, “A partnership between government, NGOs, and the private sector allocates risk to the one that is able to avoid or mitigate them and assigns responsibilities to the most capable in order to have a sustainable service delivery to the beneficiaries in a financially sound way” (p. 259).
Public-private partnerships can be used to improve the delivery of a wide array of public services in developing countries today.

Palaco et al. (2019)
? Although public-private partnerships (PPP) and electronic government (e-government) have proven to be fruitful mechanisms for economic development and emerging economies seem to recognize their importance, consistent methods for analyzing the early planning stages of e-government portfolios are lacking.
? This research resulted in the development of a framework named "PPP4e-Gov" (public-private partnerships for e-government). The framework compares risk and value factors of e-government PPP projects and adopts a weighted scoring model that estimates the risks that should be considered in a project and how much value a given e-government initiative may generate if the PPP option is chosen.
This study used a comprehensive literature review to understand the evaluation criteria for PPP projects throughout the early-stage planning process. A qualitative meta-synthesis was employed to identify critical factors for PPP and e-government, with a particular focus on developing countries, PPP, and e-government criteria.

Fanelli et al. (2020)
? A clear and accurate definition of PPP has not as yet been agreed on. WHO finds that the term PPP covers a wide variety of ventures involving a diversity of arrangements, varying with regard to participants, legal status, governance, management, policy-setting prerogatives, contributions, and operational roles.
? Governments have in fact increasingly relied on private sector participation for healthcare sector improvement. ? Some private-sector supporters claim that by increasing the number of providers, PPPs can ensure better quality services at "optimal" cost. Their structure enables them to cope with rising healthcare expenses and the decreasing public budgets at the same time.
? This aspect is considered the main benefit of PPPs, since the public and private sectors acting separately are unable to solve many emerging national health questions
? The findings that emerged from this study identified two broad areas as crucial for building a successful partnership:
1) The main potential risks include: combination of the organisation's goals, the slowness of bureaucracy, conflict of interest, which can be destructive for weaker members.
2) Differences in inter-organisational cultures, and difficulties in establishing appropriate means of measuring accountability and performance need to be addressed.
? Based on these findings, the corresponding criteria for success include the alignment of strategy; good governance practices; and strong project management with clear expectations of benefits, roles and responsibilities.
? In recent years, various forms of partnership in public sectors have been developed. These partnerships have largely been successful in ensuring better provision of services in the healthcare sector. Nevertheless, there is a recurrent debate on the public-private role in providing services in developing countries.
? Controversies between exponents of public and private systems gained momentum due to the economic collapse of the early 2000s. Guidelines from the International Monetary Fund advocated complete involvement of the private sector in providing healthcare services with the aim of decreasing public debt.
? The World Health Organization (WHO) also stated that a pragmatic path allowing the engagement of the private sector would be the best solution in developing countries.
? Conversely, Oxfam, an international organisation working for global poverty reduction through development projects, criticised this strategy and stressed the importance of increased public sector participation for general and fair access to healthcare.
? Other authors confirm that private forms of the market cannot provide public services, or health care.
? The absence of full competition, problems of information asymmetry, and the presence of externalities are just few issues which can affect health market efficiency and its ability to maximize individual utilities.
? In addition, the authors conclude that managers should be aware that in setting up a successful PPP, the initial stages can be difficult, largely due to suspicion among partners.
? Public actors play a leadership role in enhancing dialogue, and encouraging partners to believe in the partnership.

Kang et al. (2018)
? Growing fiscal constraints and increasing complexity of public services have led governments to search for alternative service delivery mechanisms.
? The public–private partnership (PPP) is one type of service arrangement in which the public and private sectors enter into a long-term cooperative relationship for the purpose of delivering a public good or service.
? Despite increasing private sector participation in developing nations, there is a need for more systematic assessment of PPPs in such countries.
The results of this study identified five broad categories of political, economic, legislative, financial and management requisites for successful PPP ventures.

Hunt and Noble (2020)
? At the international level, there has been relatively little attention paid to the renegotiation of PPPs.
? Of the 250 PPP global projects examined, 45% of contracts are renegotiated by their 10th year after financial close, with almost 20% experiencing renegotiation by their fourth year.
? Likewise, of 48 instances of renegotiation in 146 projects that were reviewed, the most common cause of renegotiation was found to be increased costs in construction or operations, and the most common outcome of a renegotiation was a change in tariffs.
? Previous work by the World Bank found that renegotiation was far more likely when concession contract awards were based on the lowest proposed tariff rather than on the highest transfer fee.
? Private infrastructure operators may seek to bring governments to the negotiating table through the use of “force majeure” clauses in contracts.
? Governments may, in turn, be tempted to try to take control of assets through nationalization, possibly with the risk of investment arbitration.
? Approaching renegotiation from the basis of conflict, however, is unlikely to result in great outcomes for either party. Having spent so much money stimulating local economies during the pandemic, governments are not in a good position to spend more money acquiring assets.
? For the private sector, government support will be needed to adapt the asset to manage both the reduction in cash flow and uncertainty about the future.
? The post-COVID-19 environment presents an opportunity to adapt an infrastructure asset to ensure it is fit for the future.
? In particular, embedding sustainability into the management of infrastructure is critically important to manage both the short- and long-term impacts of climate change.
? One of the challenges with PPP contracts is that a 25 to 30-year contract period does not reflect the changing world we live in. As we know, the world 30 years ago was very different from today.
? A government or private operator negotiating an infrastructure contract in 1990 would have had little idea of the changes that would be unlocked over the coming 30 years.
? Contracts made 30 years ago, based on user expectations in the 1990s, would clearly be not-fit-for purpose today.





Chapter Three: Methodology

Description of the Study Approach
As noted in the introductory chapter, the purpose of this study was to identify the lingering vestiges of apartheid that are most salient in maintaining existing institutionalized racism and income disparities among South Africa’s marginalized citizenry and examining ways they can be eliminated. As also noted in the introductory chapter, to achieve this purpose, the study was guided by the following research questions:
1. What are the primary constraints to reducing inequalities and promoting social justice, conceptualized as the equitable distribution of wealth, opportunities and privileges, in South Africa today?
2. What evidence-based initiatives have been used by the private sector in other emerging nations to improve social justice and income equality through initiatives such as job creation and skills training?
3. How can the existing human and natural resources in South Africa be leveraged to their best advantage for future economic development in ways that promote social justice and income equality?
4. How can public-private partnerships be used to their best effect in a South African context to achieve greater prosperity for all?
Data-Gathering Method and Database of the Study
This study used an exploratory mixed methodology drawing on both secondary and primary sources as well as quantitative and qualitative studies by individual scholars, private sector organizations, nongovernmental and governmental agencies. The primary data was collected using a custom questionnaire designed according to the principles set forth by Neuman (2008) concerning the techniques that are needed in order to improve the robustness, trustworthiness and percentage of responses, including using a pilot test to ensure its face validity. The pilot test was administered to 10 respondents who did not participate in the final data collection. Feedback was provided by three respondents who recommended changes to two questions they regarded as unclear and these changes were made to the final version of the questionnaire. The custom questionnaire was regarded as an essential component of the research methodology since it provided the opportunity to canvass relevant stakeholders about their views on the lingering vestiges of apartheid that operate to maintain income inequalities in general and in a South African context in particular.
Data Analysis Procedures
The data collected from the completed custom questionnaires was analyzed using the statistical analytical tools provided by the online survey service, SurveyMonkey, to generate relevant percentiles of responses and cross-tabulations concerning the views of different stakeholder groups about optimal strategies for reducing income inequalities in South Africa today and in the future. The resulting data is presented in tabular and graphic formats and interpreted in a narrative fashion to identify significant trends and prevailing views among respondents concerning the issues of interest to this study.
Study Sample
The overarching focus of the study meant that there were multiple stakeholders that are involved in identifying the various lingering vestiges of apartheid in South Africa which should be included in the study’s sample. To this end, the following individuals and organizations were selected to receive an invitation to participate in the study by completing an online version of the custom questionnaire:
1. Broad based groups including organized labor organizations such as the Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, selected university student bodies and youth organizations;
2. Representatives of Political organizations such as the African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters.
3. Members of the South African Parliament;
4. Academics;
5. Executives and board members of the South African Stock Exchange as well as selected non-stock exchange listed companies;
6. South African government departments, municipalities and state-owned enterprises;
7. Economists; and,
8. Others to be determined as the data collection progressed.
All told, 106 respondents of the 125 who were invited to participate completed at least a portion of the custom questionnaire, representing an 88.5% response rate which was regarded as highly satisfactory for the purposes of academic research (Neuman, 2018). The primary data that was collected using the custom questionnaire is presented in tabular and graphic forms below, followed by a narrative analysis of these results.

Chapter Four: Data Analysis

1. In the section below, please indicate your age in years:
As shown in Table 6 and depicted graphically in Figure 10 below, just over two-thirds of the respondents (72 or 67.9%) were between the ages of 25 and 54 years old (just over one-quarter or 26.42% were 25 to 34 years old; slightly fewer, 25 or 23.58%, were between the ages of 35 and 44 years old, and 19, or 17.92%, were between the ages of 45 and 54 years old). In addition, 12 respondents (or 11.32%) reported being between the ages of 18 and 24 years, 18 respondents (or 16.98%) reported being between the ages of 55 and 64 years, and four respondents (or 3.77%) reported their age as being between the ages of 65 and 74 years and none of the respondents were 75 years or older. These percentages largely mirror the larger South African population (South Africa people, 2021).
Table 6
Responses to the question, “What is your age?”



Figure 10. Responses to the question, “What is your age?”

2. In the section below, please indicate your highest level of educational achievement:
As set forth in Table 7 and depicted graphically in Figure 11 below, more than half of the respondents (58 or 54.7%) reported having completed their bachelor’s degree or an advanced degree of some type (41 or 38.68% reported a bachelor’s degree; 12 or 11.32% reported completing their master’s degree and five or 4.72% reported having completed a doctorate degree. Nineteen respondents (or 17.92%) reported having completed some college or university studies without receiving a degree. In addition, four respondents (or 3.77%) reported completing some high school but no diploma while 15 respondents (or 14.15%) reported having acquired a high school diploma or its equivalent. Further, two respondents (or 1.89%) reported having some type of trade/technical/vocational training and eight respondents (or 7.55%) reported having some other type of education as shown in Table 8 which follows below. None of the respondents skipped this question.

Table 7
Respondents’ educational levels
Answer Choices
Responses

Some high school, (not matriculated / never finished high school)
3.77%
4

High school graduate, or the equivalent thereof (Grade 12, Matric or equivalent)
14.15%
15

Some college or university credit (no degree)
17.92%
19

Trade/technical/vocational training
1.89%
2

Bachelor’s degree (e.g. BA, BSc)
38.68%
41

Master’s degree (Eg MA, MSc, MBA)
11.32%
12

Doctorate degree (e.g. PhD, EdD)
4.72%
5

Other (please specify)
7.55%
8


Answered
106


Skipped
0




Figure 11. Respondents’ educational achievements

Table 8
Other reported education or training
Other (please specify)
Tags
Sentiment

Higher Diploma

Positive

National Diploma

Positive

Honors degree

Positive

Diploma

Positive

Performer’s diploma in Opera
Positive

Btech

Positive

Diploma

Positive

Matric and security training up to Nqf level 6
Positive



3. In the section below, please indicate your current employment status: I am employed in:
As shown in Table 9 and depicted graphically in Figure 12 below, just over one-fifth (23 or 21.7%) of the respondents are employed in the public sector, and a majority (63 or 59.43%) are employed in the private sector. In addition, 20 respondents (or 18.87%) reported being employed in some other capacity or they were unemployed as set forth in Table 10 which follows below. None of the respondents skipped this question.

Table 9
Respondents' employment status
Answer Choices
Responses

The public sector.
21.70%
23

The private sector.
59.43%
63

Other (please specify) (unemployed, informal sector, university or college student etc.
18.87%
20


Answered
106


Skipped
0




Figure 12. Respondents’ employment status

Table 10
Other reported employment capacities or unemployment
Employment Status
Number of Respondents
Percentage

Unemployed
5
4.7%

Pensioner/Retired
2
1.9%

Independent Property Broker
1
.9%

Non-governmental Organization
2
1.9%

Student
5
4.7%

Self-employed
5
4.7%



4. Regardless of private or public sector employment status, which of the following best describes your main affiliation (for example, your main affiliation could be your connection to and/or association with an organization, group, company, party, etc.)?
Next, and as shown in Table 11 and depicted graphically in Figure 13 below, nine respondents (or 8.49%) reported their main affiliation as being with a municipality, 17 (or 16.04%) reported affiliation with a local or national government organization, and five respondents (or 4.72%) reported being affiliated with a political party.
In addition, 14 respondents (or 13.21%) reported affiliation with a publicly listed/JSE listed company, and 31 (or 29.25%) reported being affiliated with a non-corporate private company (i.e., not publicly trade or JSE listed). Just two respondents (or 1.89%) reported being affiliated with some type of broad-based group (i.e., organised labour, student/youth movements, rural community, military veterans, etc.) and eight each (or 7.55% each) reported affiliation as a market participant or in some type of academic capacity. Finally, 12 respondents (or 11.32%) reported being affiliated with an NGO. None of the respondents skipped this question.

Table 11
Responses to the question, “Regardless of private or public sector employment status, which of the following best describes your main affiliation”
Answer Choices
Responses

Municipality
8.49%
9

Local Government / National Government
16.04%
17

Political Party
4.72%
5

Corporate South Africa (Publicly Traded / JSE Listed Companies)
13.21%
14

Non-Corporate Private Company (Not Publicly Traded / Not JSE Listed)
29.25%
31

Broad Based Group (Organised Labour, Student/Youth Movements, Rural Community, Military Veterans, etc.)
1.89%
2

Market participant
7.55%
8

Academic
7.55%
8

Non-governmental organization
11.32%
12


Answered
106


Skipped
0




Figure 13. Responses to the question, “Regardless of private or public sector employment status, which of the following best describes your main affiliation”

5. On the political spectrum, I tend to support:
As shown in Table 12 and depicted graphically in Figure 14 below, 17 respondents (or 16.04%) reported tending to support a right-wing agenda and 39 (or 36.79%) reported tending to support a middle-of-the-road agenda. Nearly half of the respondents, though (50 or 47.17%) reported tending to support a left-wing agenda, and none of the respondents skipped this question.

Table 12
Responses to the question, “On the political spectrum, I tend to support …”
Answer Choices
Responses

A right-wing agenda (supports the view that certain social orders and hierarchies are inevitable, natural, normal, or desirable).
16.04%
17

A left-wing agenda (supports social equality).
47.17%
50

A middle-of-the-road agenda.
36.79%
39


Answered
106


Skipped
0




Figure 14. Responses to the question, “On the political spectrum, I tend to support …”

6. Annual income (optional) (note: one South African Rand = US$ .069 or about 7 cents and the average per capita GDP in South Africa is currently about US$12,482 or R181,886.08)
As set forth in Table 13 and depicted graphically in Figure 15 below, four respondents (or 3.88%) reported having no annual income, eight respondents (or 7.77%) reported an annual income between R1 and R25,000, and nine respondents (or 8.74%) reported an annual income between R25,000 and R50,000. In addition, 11 respondents (or 10.68%) reported an annual income between R50,001 and R100,000, and seven respondents (or 6.8%) reported an annual income between R100,001 and R200,000.
Further, 16 respondents (or 15.53%) reported an annual income between R200,001 and R350,000, nine respondents (or 8.74%) reported an annual income between R350,001 and R500,000, six each (or 5.83% each) reported annual incomes between R500,001 and R750,000 or R750,001 and R1,000,000. Four each of the respondents (or 3.88% each) reported an annual income between R1,000,001 and R1,500,000 or R1,500,001 and R2,000,000. Likewise, three each of the respondents (or 2.91%) reported an annual income between R2,000,001 and R3,000,000 or R3,000,001 or greater while 13 respondents (or 12.62% preferred not to answer this question.

Table 13_
Respondents’ annual income (optional)
Answer Choices
Responses

R0
3.88%
4

? R1 - R25 000
7.77%
8

? R25 000 - R50 000
8.74%
9

? R50 001-R100 000
10.68%
11

? R100 001-R200 000
6.80%
7

? R200 001-R350 000
15.53%
16

? R350 001- R500 000
8.74%
9

? R500 001 – R750 000
5.83%
6

? R750,001- R1 000 000
5.83%
6

? R1 000 001- R1 500 000
3.88%
4

? R1 500 001- R2 000 000
3.88%
4

? R2 000 001- R3 000 000
2.91%
3

? > R3 000 000
2.91%
3

? Prefer not to say
12.62%
13


Answered
103


Skipped
3




Figure 15. Respondents’ annual income (optional)

7. Please indicate the home country where you have spent most of your professional life.
As shown in Table 14 below, the vast majority of the respondents (102 or 96.23%) reported spending most of their professional life in South Africa while one each respondent (or 0.94% each) reported Barbados or the United States. Two other respondents (or 1.89%) reported spending most of their professional life in Zimbabwe. None of the respondents skipped this question.

Table 14
Responses to the statement, “Please indicate the home country where you have spent most of your professional life”
Home Country
Number of Respondents
Percentage

South Africa
102
96.23%

Zimbabwe
2
1.89%

Barbados
1
0.94%

United States
1
0.94%



8. Please indicate your population group (Population groups listed below are as per South African Department of Statistics population group categorizations)
As set forth in Table 15 and depicted graphically in Figure 16 below, more than half (59 or 55.66%) of the respondents reported Black/African for their population group, while seven respondents (or 6.6%) reported belonging to the Coloured category. Just over one-quarter of the respondents (29 or 27.36%) indicated the White population group and 11 respondents (or 10.38%) reported Indian/Asian.




Table 15
Responses to the statement, “Please indicate your population group”
Category
Percentage
Number of Respondents

Black/African
55.66%
59

Coloured
6.60%
7

Indian/Asian
10.38%
11

White
27.36%
29


Answered
106


Skipped
0




Figure 16. Responses to the statement, “Please indicate your population group”



Section Two: Likert-Scaled Statements

1. I am very concerned about the economic and social inequalities plaguing the historically disadvantaged individuals and groups in South Africa.
As shown in Table 16 and depicted graphically in Figure 17 below, a sizeable majority of the respondents (81 or 81.82%) strongly agreed (61 or 61.62%) or agreed (20 or 20.2%) with the statement, “I am very concerned about the economic and social inequalities plaguing the historically disadvantaged individuals and groups in South Africa.” Three each respondents (or 3.03%), however, disagreed or strongly disagreed with this statement and 12 respondents (or 12.12%) elected to use the “neutral” option (neither agree nor disagree). Seven respondents (or 6.6%) opted to not provide an answer.

Table 16
Responses to the statement, “I am very concerned about the economic and social inequalities plaguing the historically disadvantaged individuals and groups in South Africa”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
61.62%
61

Agree
20.20%
20

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
12.12%
12

Disagree
3.03%
3

Strongly disagree
3.03%
3


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 17. Responses to the statement, “I am very concerned about the economic and social inequalities plaguing the historically disadvantaged individuals and groups in South Africa”

2. Despite the abolition of apartheid and democracy being achieved in South Africa in 1994, the vast majority of the historically disadvantaged in South Africa still experience economic and social inequality.
As shown in Table 17 and depicted graphically in Figure 18 below, a significant majority of the respondents (83 or 83.8%) either strongly agreed (61 or 61.62%) or agreed (22 or 22.2%) with this statement but seven respondents (or 6.7%) declined to provide a response. Four respondents (or 4.04%), though, disagreed and six respondents (or 6.06%) strongly disagreed that despite the abolition of apartheid and democracy being achieved in South Africa in 1994, the vast majority of the historically disadvantaged in South Africa still experience economic and social inequality. In addition, just six respondents (or 6.06%) remained neutral with respect to this statement.

Table 17
Responses to the statement, “Despite the abolition of apartheid and democracy being achieved in South Africa in 1994, the vast majority of the historically disadvantaged in South Africa still experience economic and social inequality”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
61.62%
61

Agree
22.22%
22

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
6.06%
6

Disagree
4.04%
4

Strongly disagree
6.06%
6


Answered
99


Skipped
7







Figure 18. Responses to the statement, “Despite the abolition of apartheid and democracy being achieved in South Africa in 1994, the vast majority of the historically disadvantaged in South Africa still experience economic and social inequality”

3. Government has done enough to address economic and social inequality in South Africa.
As set forth in Table 18 and depicted graphically in Figure 19 below, just over three-quarters of the respondents (75 or 75.75%) either disagreed (37 or 37.37%) or strongly disagreed (38.38%) that the government has done enough to address economic and social inequality in South Africa. Although seven respondents (or 6.7%) skipped this statement and 17 (or 17.17%) used the neutral option, five respondents (or 5.05%) agreed and two respondents (or 2.02%) strongly agreed.


Table 18
Responses to the statement, “Government has done enough to address economic and social inequality in South Africa”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
2.02%
2

Agree
5.05%
5

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
17.17%
17

Disagree
37.37%
37

Strongly disagree
38.38%
38


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 19. Responses to the statement, “Government has done enough to address economic and social inequality in South Africa”

4. Corporates, businesses and the private sector have done enough to address economic and social inequalities in South Africa
There were also some strong views expressed in response to the statement, “Corporates, businesses and the private sector have done enough to address economic and social inequalities in South Africa,” as shown in Table 19 and depicted graphically in Figure 20 below. Although 14 respondents (or 15.4%) either strongly agreed (6 or 6.06%) or agreed (8 or 8.08%) and seven respondents (or 6.6%) skipped providing an answer, 70 respondents (or 70.7%) either disagreed (36 or 36.36%) or strongly disagreed (34 or 34.34%) with this statement. In addition, 15 (or 15.15%) of the respondents remained neutral with respect to this statement.

Table 19
Responses to the statement, “Corporates, businesses and the private sector have done enough to address economic and social inequalities in South Africa”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
6.06%
6

Agree
8.08%
8

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
15.15%
15

Disagree
36.36%
36

Strongly disagree
34.34%
34


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 20. Responses to the statement, “Corporates, businesses and the private sector have done enough to address economic and social inequalities in South Africa”

5. It is in everyone’s best interests to reduce income inequalities.
There was also strong sentiment expressed in the responses to this statement, with 70 of the respondents (or 70.7%) either strongly agreeing (42 or 42.42%) or agreeing (28 or 28.28%) that it is in everyone’s best interests to reduce income inequalities as shown in Table 20 and depicted graphically in Figure 21 below. Although seven respondents (or 6.6%) elected to not provide an answer and 13 respondents (or 13.13%) elected to use the neutral option, eight each of the respondents (or 8.08% each) disagreed or strongly disagreed with this statement.

Table 20
Responses to the statement, “It is in everyone’s best interests to reduce income inequalities”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
42.42%
42

Agree
28.28%
28

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
13.13%
13

Disagree
8.08%
8

Strongly disagree
8.08%
8


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 21. Responses to the statement, “It is in everyone’s best interests to reduce income inequalities”

6. There is already too much money being wasted on trying to help people help themselves.
As shown in Table 21 and depicted graphically in Figure 22 below, the responses to this statement were mixed. For instance, although just over half of the respondents (53 or 53.53%) either strongly disagreed (17 or 17.17%) or disagreed (36 or 36.36%) that there is already too much money being wasted on trying to help people help themselves, just over one-quarter of the respondents (27 or 27.27%) either strongly agreed (15 or 15.15%) or agreed (12 or 12.12%). In addition, seven respondents (or 6.6%) skipped providing a response to this statement and 19 respondents (or 19.19%) remained neutral with respect to this statement.

Table 21
Responses to the statement, “There is already too much money being wasted on trying to help people help themselves.”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
15.15%
15

Agree
12.12%
12

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
19.19%
19

Disagree
36.36%
36

Strongly disagree
17.17%
17


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 22. Responses to the statement, “There is already too much money being wasted on trying to help people help themselves.”

7. Government should redistribute income from the rich to the poor through increased taxes.
Although a majority of the respondents agreed that it was in everyone’s best interests to reduce income equalities, the responses to this statement make it clear that most of the respondents also believe that raising taxes is not the optimal strategy to achieve this outcome. As shown in Table 22 and depicted graphically in Figure 23 below, just six respondents (or 6.06%) strongly agreed and 15 respondents (or 15.15%) agreed that government should redistribute income from the rich to the poor through increased taxes. It is also noteworthy that 22 respondents (or 22.22%) remained neutral with respect to this statement, the highest rate of any of the interrogatories in this custom questionnaire. In addition, seven respondents (or 6.6%) elected to not provide an answer to this statement.

Table 22
Responses to the statement, “Government should redistribute income from the rich to the poor through increased taxes.”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
6.06%
6

Agree
15.15%
15

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
22.22%
22

Disagree
33.33%
33

Strongly disagree
23.23%
23


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 23. Responses to the statement, “Government should redistribute income from the rich to the poor through increased taxes.”

8. Promoting wealth redistribution that focuses on the historically disadvantaged in a fair manner is a high priority for South Africa today.
As shown in Table 23 and depicted graphically in Figure 24 below, opinions about this statement were also evenly mixed with 45 (or 45.45%) either strongly agreeing (19 or 19.19%) or agreeing (26 or 26.26%); however, 18 each respondents (or 18.18% each) also strongly disagreed or disagreed that promoting wealth redistribution that focuses on the historically disadvantaged in a fair manner is a high priority for South Africa today. Likewise, 18 respondents (or 18.18%) remained neutral with respect to this statement and seven respondents (or 6.6%) elected to not respond to this statement.

Table 23
Responses to the statement, “Promoting wealth redistribution that focuses on the historically disadvantaged in a fair manner is a high priority for South Africa today”
Answer Choices
Responses

Strongly agree
19.19%
19

Agree
26.26%
26

Neutral (Neither agree nor disagree)
18.18%
18

Disagree
18.18%
18

Strongly disagree
18.18%
18


Answered
99


Skipped
7




Figure 24. Responses to the statement, “Promoting wealth redistribution that focuses on the historically disadvantaged in a fair manner is a high priority for South Africa today”


Section Three: Multiple Choice Questions

1. Which one of the following should have the most responsibility for reducing income inequalities in South Africa?
As shown in Table 24 and depicted graphically in Figure 25 below, although the respondents were of a mixed mind when it comes to which entities should bear the majority of the responsibility for reducing income inequalities in South Africa, just about two-thirds (65 or 66.33%) believe that the government is in the best position to do so. Nevertheless, a significant number of respondents (17 or 17.35%) also believe that the private sector has an important role to play in this area, but just three respondents (or 3.06%) cited wealthy individuals and only two respondents (or 2.04%) cited faith-based organizations as best suited for this purpose. In addition, eight respondents (or 7.6%) elected to skip answering this question and 11 respondents (or 11.22%) provided other entities as shown in Table 25 that follows below.