Spanish Immigration in 2007, Nearly

Spanish Immigration

In 2007, nearly one million immigrants arrived in Spain, according to the Spanish National Statistics Institute study in 2007 (Kern, 1). Those immigrants were in addition to the already existing 800,000 that arrived in 2006 and nearly 700,000 in 2005 (Kern, 1). With these immigrants comes a host of problems, from the number of deaths of incoming populations to housing to work placement to medical care. This paper will examine the rate of immigration into Spain, and will examine the problems faced by this population, both in terms of the immigration process itself and problems occurring following immigration. This examination will show that while Spain is currently dealing with the issue successfully, the future may be bleak for these immigrant populations.

Much of the problem of immigration in Spain began with the amnesty granted to immigrants in 2005 (Kern, 1). At the time, there were more than one million illegal immigrants living and working within Spanish borders (BBC, 1). In an effort to make those citizens part of the government system, Socialist Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodr'guez Zapatero developed an amnesty plan. The plan required immigrants to submit proof they had been living in Spain for at least six months, and provide a contract from a company willing to hire them for six months or more. Provided the immigrant had no criminal record, he or she could qualify as a Spanish citizen, meaning he or she could obtain emergency medical care (Sanchez, 1). By the end of the year, nearly 700,000 immigrants had responded (Kern, 1).

The plan worked, but had dire consequences. Critics note that Zapatero's plan unleashed a wave of immigration to Spain that was unparalleled. Zapatero showed a leniency toward illegal immigrants that created a belief in Spain as a gateway to Europe. Additionally, whereas immigration labor provided much of the work during Spain's high economic growth, Spain currently has a nearly 11% unemployment rate, much of which is made of immigrant laborers (Eurostat, 1).

By 2008, Spain had a total of 5.2 million immigrants, making up nearly ten percent of the total population (Kern, 1). These individuals come from all over the world, including Ecuador, whose citizens equal over 750,000 in Spain if illegal immigrants are included. There are nearly 150,000 Columbians, 575,000 from Morocco, 525,000 from Rumania, 315,000 from the United Kingdom, and thousands more from Bolivia, Germany, Argentina, Italy, Africa, and other areas (Duncan, 1). Many of these immigrants are young adults in their mid twenties to lower forties who do not have their partner with them. Almost half of these individuals are women. Interestingly, the majority of immigrants from Africa are men, where as those from South America are women (Corral, 1).

The first problem these individuals face begins with the journey to Spain. In many cases, immigrants flee to Spain to escape poverty, war, or other dangers in their home country. The Canary Islands, for example, is a popular destination for immigrants fleeing from sub-Saharan Africans (Reddy, 1). Many of these individuals perish en route to the island as a result of overcrowded boats without enough life jackets, food, water, or medicinal supplies. As many as 6,000 Africans died in 2006 on the way to Spain (Reddy, 1). The boats that do arrive are often filled with hundreds of individuals crammed together, after paying thousands for the trip (Reddy, 1). The Canary Islands, a Spanish archipelago popular for immigrants, reported in 2006 that 490 bodies had been found off the coast between Africa and Spain. Most perished as a result of dehydration or being thrown overboard (Alfieri, 1).

Some of these individuals have suffered greatly even prior to reaching to boats. Some spend years traveling across Africa, experiencing hardships such as a lack of food, medical care, and basic supplies in refugee camps, beg for food, or work their way across the country, saving enough money for human traffickers to take them to Spain. Many are ill treated, or sold for slavery or prostitution (Amnesty International, 1).

However, these boat migrants are only a small portion of the immigrants into Spain. More than 95% of migrants arrive by plane from places such as South America. These individuals arrive originally on tourist or transit visas, and then simply fail to return to their home country, applying for residency following their ability to obtain employment (Reddy, 1). Still others arrive with forged papers (Duncan, 1).

European authorities have made entry to the country even more difficult by tightening border control. Ceuta and Melilla, two of Spain's most accessible areas from Africa, were sealed off in 2005 with double fences following several episodes where border guards used excessive force, killing several migrates (Amnesty International, 1). In that year, more than ten were shot and killed (Reddy, 1).

The second problems for immigrants begin with their arrival within Spain. Minors, or those under the age of 18, have particularly difficult issues to face, although they are not as often subjected to repatriation. In Spain, children are not allowed to work until the age of 18, and therefore, many immigrant minors are housed temporarily in emergency shelters. Following the issuance of a residency permit, these children are expected to enroll in school or vocational training. In some cases, theses youths are placed in a hostel or home to learn the language and attend school (Amnesty International, 1).

However, many minors, according to Amnesty International, are expelled illegally by border guards. By law, any minor in Spain is to be protected by Spanish forces, but reports from AI document the illegal expulsion of minors both upon arrival and even after placement in housing. There were also reports of the ill treatment of minors by Spanish security forces and in reception centers (Amnesty International, 1).

Additionally, youths without a work permit are in particular peril on arrival in Spain. The negative perceptions that surround these youths due to reports from media and politicians often lead to the exploitation of the children. Left without care or work, they are often hired for little wages, sold as slaves, or sold into prostitution. For those of African decent, a lack of language similarity makes the situation even more difficult (Reddy, 1).

Still further, even those minors who should be able to gain citizen rights under asylum law are not told they have such rights, often resulting in their improper expulsion. Asylum is governed by the Spain Refugee Law. Under the law asylum seekers can file applications with the Ministry of Interior's Office for Asylum and Refuge (OAR), police on border patrol, or any Spanish consular. At the time, they have to have identifying papers and a statement that asserts their persecution. The OAR then examines the claim, and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) gives an opinion on the claim, immediately throwing out those without proper identification, and those submitted with false or outdated information (USCRI, 1). The OAR gives all applications to the Inter-Ministerial Commission for Asylum and Refugee Status (CIAR), who then register their opinion with the Ministry of the Interior. If the Ministry agrees, an identity and permits to work, live, and receive benefits are issued (USCRI, 1). This process can take anywhere from two to four months, during which the applicant is given housing, food, and accommodations. In the case of minors, if they are not informed of this process, they do not realize there are opportunities to obtain legal residency (Amnesty International, 1).

These concerns extend to those who are not minors, as well. In addition to problems with mistreatment and misinformation, there are additional problems with service provision. Spanish law states foreign nationals have a right to lawyer services and interpreters during any portion of the immigration process. However, with a lack of proper translation services and insufficient numbers of lawyers, such rights are often overlooked (Amnesty International, 1).

A third problem on arriving in Spain is that of finding and retaining gainful employment. Over sixty five percent of foreign national workers in Spain were on temporary contract in 2005. This was far above the rate elsewhere in the E.U., which hovered around thirty seven percent. This is generally due to employer's attempts to keep labor costs at a minimum. In addition, these workers are subjected to a lower level of working conditions, lower wages, increased working time, and higher rates of accidents due to faulty equipment. Because many of these immigrants are illegal, or have limited residency permits, they are more likely to accept lesser positions (Artiles, 1).

Even in areas with high immigration employment, wages have been decreasing over time. A study by the Trade Union Confederation of Workers' Commissions showed that construction wages fell over thirteen percent, retail wages fell by five percent, and hotel and catering wages fell by nearly seven percent in a four-year period (Artiles, 1). With little opportunity for better circumstances, many immigrants are left without options.

In the past, these workers had even fewer rights. The Law on foreign persons declared that collective labor rights, such as the right to strike and right to assemble, did not apply to immigrant workers who did not have authorization to work within Spain, or to those without a residence permit. However, the Spanish Constitutional Court ruled in 2007 that immigrant workers should be allowed the same working rights as others in Spain, provided they have a valid work permit (Diaz, 1). While this is designed to assist migrant workers, the implementation of the new regulations remains to be enforced.

Unemployment among these immigrants is on the rise, as well. While unemployment in Spain for nationals is at an all time high of over eleven percent, unemployment for immigrants is up over sixty seven percent. By August of 2007, over 280,000 immigrants were receiving unemployment (Abend, 1).

In response to this, Spain has developed a Plan of Voluntary Return. The Plan is designed to allow legal unemployed immigrants from outside the EU to receive unemployment benefits from Spain in a lump sum payment, as long as they leave the country and return to their homeland for no less than three years. Forty percent of their unemployment payout is then awarded prior to departing, with the other sixty percent arriving once they return home (Abend, 1). However, as critics point out, such a move is unlikely to gather many followers (Diaz, 1).

In addition to employment difficulties, housing presents another problem. Housing prices in general rose between 2005 and 2006 by nearly one hundred twenty five percent. The number of rental properties decreased to only ten percent of overall housing due to low mortgage rates in an economic boom. Rents for those properties left have risen substantially. In addition, the number of protected dwellings, or those whose rent and price are controlled, has dropped from thirty percent to less than eight percent (Miguelez, 1).

The result for immigrants is a lack of affordable housing. Only those with high incomes and stable positions are able to qualify for thirty or forty year mortgages required to pay for private housing. In addition, the transient nature of immigrant employment means less ability to purchase housing, and a higher likelihood to rent property. With rents increasing, many find themselves in substandard housing for twice the rate expected for such housing (Miguelez, 1).

Still another danger for immigrants entering Spain is related to medical care. Emergency care in Spain is free to anyone, regardless of nationality or residency, which benefits both legal and illegal immigrants. However, primary and specialized health care are often underused by immigrants due to a variety of factors. Without legal papers, such services are denied to illegal immigrants. Additionally, hectic work schedules leave little time for doctor appointments for routine care. Further, without sufficient translators, access to medical care is barred for many immigrants. Finally, cultural beliefs may stop immigrants from using primary care resources, even if available (Cots, et al., 9).

Part of the problem with this perceived lack of access to health care comes in the form of disease among immigrant population. Studies have shown that antibodies for diseases such as rubella are much higher in children of indigenous populations than immigrant children, showing a clear need for vaccinations among immigrant women, and particularly those of child birthing age (Dominguez, et al. 562). Additionally, sexually transmitted diseases tend to be higher among immigrants (Folch, et al. 178).

Another problem faced by immigrants entering Spain is violence. In 2005, the international doctors' organization Doctors Without Borders, or Medecins sans Frontieres (MSF) in Spanish, submitted a report that highlighted a large amount of violence against immigrants in Spain (5). According to the report, over 2,000 people treated by the organization had injuries resulting from violence towards them at the hand of either border guards or Spanish residents (MSF, 7). In over 1,000 of the cases, either the Moroccan or Spanish police forces were blamed, while the rest came at the hand of organized gangs (MSF, 8). The violence recorded in the report include lesions, bruising, sprains, burns, fractures, rape, and gunshots (MSF, 8).

According to the report, illegal sub-Saharan immigrants are often the focus of extreme human rights violations. In urban and rural areas alike, systematic raids are conducted, which often result in the use of excessive force and violence (MSF, 10). The raids are conducted by either security forces or civilians, and result in wounds, fractures, burns, and sometimes death. In addition, security forces take the few valuables belonging to the immigrants, and in some cases destroy their makeshift homes in rural areas (MSF, 11). Immigrants are denied access to transportation or held for questioning even if their status is legal (MSF, 13). Those found to be illegal are transferred to prisons, or abandoned at the Moroccan-Algerian border without food or water (MSF, 13).