Math Achievement African-American vs. White

math achievement African-American vs. white American

MATH ACHIEVEMENT in African-American BOYS

VERSUS THEIR WHITE COUNTERPARTS

The objective of this work is to focus on mathematical achievement in African-American boys vs. their white counterparts. Addressed will be risk factors such as family income, mother's education, single-parent households, primary language non-English, etc. The theoretical framework will focus on the work of Vygotsky and one other theorist as to how they would tie into the main topic.

The disparities in the educational attainment of African-American and White American males is clearly noted in previous research study however, the precise factors or elements that cause African-American males to underachieve in mathematics is not known. The work of Moody states that three theoretical proposals exist that attempt to provide an explanation to: '...the disparities between mathematics achievement of African-American and White students..." which are approached in relation to the contexts of explanations on the basis of the "...biological, psychological, and sociological contexts (Jacob & Jordan, 1993; as cited by Moody, 1997). Three of the most prominent theories that have emerged over the past 30 years to explain the underachievement or under-participation of African-Americans are: (1) the IQ deficit theory; (2) the Cultural Deficit theory; and (3) the Critical theory (Jacob & Jordan, 1993; as cited by Moody, 1997) the theory of the IQ Deficit states: "...disparities in achievement are results of genetic differences." (Moody, 1997) the cultural deficit theory has as its' focus the "culture of poverty" which is viewed as a culture that is deficit in the provision of the "experiences, attitudes, and values needed to succeed in school." (Moody, 1997; paraphrased) the 'Cultural Deficit' theoretical framework is based on the argument that "poor African-Americans are deficient in child-rearing practices and communication styles that foster academic achievement." (Jacob & Jordan; 1993; as cited by Moody, 1997) the 'Cultural Deficit' theory also links schools and schooling practicing as agents that work together in maintaining "the existing oppressive social structure" (Moody, 1997).

Limitations of the IQ Deficit theory are stated to be "...discredited because heritability (the concept used as the basis for this theory) "does not take into account the fact that genes can influence test scores indirectly by interacting with the environment in which an individual develops" (Jacob & Jordan, 1993, p. 4). (Moody, 1997) Limitations of the cultural deficit theory states that in this case the "concept of the culture is applied inappropriately by approaching lower-class groups from an ethnocentric, middle-class point-of-view (Jacob & Jordan, 1993; as cited by Moody, 1997) and that "little attempt is made to understand lower-class groups' behaviors from their own perspectives, and the heterogeneity of ethnicity, language and culture that exists among people with low incomes is ignored." (Ibid; as cited by Moody, 1997)

It is held by one researcher that the emphasis should not be on 'deficits' because this could lead to assumptions that: "If African-Americans do badly in school, we must discover what is wrong with them? (Boykin, 1986; as cited by Moody, 1997) the study conducted by Ginsburg and Russell reportedly had 'no more difficulty with mathematical reasoning than any other group." (Moody, 1997) However, findings of Ginsburg in 1972 and 1984 studies states that the "academic performance of [African-American] children is affected by social, political, and motivational factors. Moreover, the academic performance of [African-American] children has little to do with their race or genes; it is a consequence of the structure of society as a whole" (Niesser, 1986, p.4) as cited by Moody (1997) This work looks past the most often researched causal factors,

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This research is conducted on the basis of the theoretical framework of Lev Vygotsky, Jerome Bruner and John Dewey. Vygotsky, a Russian psychologist (1896-1934) held that social interaction plays a fundamental role in the development of cognition of an individual and quite the opposite form Piaget's belief that learning follows the development of a child it was held by Vygotsky that social development comes prior to learning. Vygotsky stated: "Every function in the child's cultural development appears twice, first on the social level, and later on the individual level; first, between people (interpsychological) and then inside the child (intrapsychological)." (Mace, 2005)

The Social Development theory of Vygotsky "rests on two main principles: (1) the More Knowledgeable Other (MKO); and (2) the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) the 'MKO' is in reference to anyone whose learning is at a higher ability or who understands better than the learner "with respect to a particular task, process or concept. This MKO is generally the teacher, parent, older sibling, other more knowledgeable person and even a computer. The "Zone of Proximal Development" is the place where a student can perform a task under adult guidance or with peer collaboration that could not be achieved alone." (Mace, 2005) the claim of Vygotsky was that learning occurred in this zone. The classroom environment based on the theory of Vygotsky would be one that had the student's desk arranged in clustered, with peer instruction, collaboration and small group instruction being the methods used to teach." (Mace, 2005) Vygotsky provided effective strategies for guiding the practice of instruction which are those of: (1) Scaffolding; (2) Reciprocal teaching; and (3) Guided instruction." (Mace, 2005) Reciprocal teaching is defined as a strategy for instruction whereby students take a turn playing the role of the teacher either in small groups or pairs. Guided instruction is characterized by the teacher and students work together exploring problems in mathematics and then share different problem-solving strategies in an open dialogue. Scaffolding is a support structure that is created or placed temporarily by the teacher for the purpose of assisting the student to complete a task that that could not complete on their own.

The ideas of Vygotsky influenced the social constructivist approach to education. Vygotsky believed that the culture of the individual or the inheritance of that culture is "carried in the meanings of artifacts and practices. The knowledge that the learner brings to the learning experience are dependent upon the culture of the individual as well as the stage of development of that individual. Vygotsky stated that: "Thought and language, which reflect reality in a way different from that of perception, are the key to the nature of human consciousness. Words play a central part not only in the development of thought but in the historical growth of human consciousness as a whole. A word is a microcosm of human consciousness." (Goldfarb, 2000) Vygotsky made a differentiation between higher and lower mental functions in that the lower mental functions are those which are inherited through genetics which is the natural mental ability of the human being while the higher mental functions are developed through interaction on a social level.

The theory of Bruner was that learning is a social process in which the students construct new concepts or ideas based on the knowledge that they currently possess. Bruner held that: (1) Instruction must commensurate with the experience that make the student willing and able to learn (readiness); (2) Instruction must be structured so that it can easily be understood by the student (spiral organization); and (3) Instruction should be designed to facilitate extrapolation (going beyond the information given) the constructivist view and the objectivist view are quite different from one another as shown by the following chart:

Objectivist View vs. Constructivist View

Objectivist View

Knowledge exists outside of individuals and can be transferred from teachers to students.

Students learn what they hear and what they read. If a teacher explains abstract concepts well, students will learn those concepts.

Learning is successful when students can repeat what was taught.

Constructivist View

Knowledge has personal meaning. It is created by individual students.

Learners construct their own knowledge by looking for meaning and order; they interpret what they hear, read, and see based on their previous learning and habits. Students who do not have appropriate backgrounds will be unable to accurately "hear" or "see" what is before them.

Learning is successful when students can demonstrate conceptual understanding

Source: Thanasoulas (nd)

John Dewey held that:."..knowledge emerges only from situations in which learners have to draw them out of meaningful experiences Further, these situations have to be embedded in a social context, such as a classroom, where students can take part in manipulating materials and, thus, forming a community of learners who construct their knowledge together. Students cannot learn by means of rote memorization; they can only learn by "directed living," whereby concrete activities are combined with theory. The obvious implication of Dewey's theory is that students must be engaged in meaningful activities that induce them to apply the concepts they are trying to learn." (Thanasoulas, nd)

LIMITATIONS

This review of literature is limited in the follow ways: (1) Limited by the length of document for review of the literature related to this subject matter; and (2) Limited in that a qualitative review necessitates a vast review of literature for which timeframe did not allow.

LITERATURE REVIEW

In a National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) report of National Public School Students the following information was revealed as to race-ethnicity achievement in both male and female groups. In grade four white males performing "At or Above Basic" math skills is stated at 90% while black males were performing at only 59% "At or Above Basic" skill levels. White males in the "At or Above Proficient" skills level is stated at 49% with black males in this category stated at a mere 13%.

The following labeled Figure 2 shows the statistical report of NAEP (2005) in relation to achievement differences among African-American and White American males.

NAEP STATISTICAL REPORT: Minority Male Achievement Gaps Relative to White Males, Grade 4, 2005

Source: NAEP STATISTICAL REPORT (2005)

By the time these students reach 8th grade white males "At or Above Basic Achievement Levels" totals 76% while only 43% of the African-American males are "At or Above Basic Achievement Levels" the negative value in the Achievement Gap of African-American Males as relative to White Males indicates that a lower percentage of minority males are achieve at or above basic levels than are white males.

NAEP STATISTICAL REPORT

Minority Male Achievement Gaps Relative to White Males, Grade 8, 2005

Source: NAEP STATISTICAL REPORT (2005)

By the time the student reaches the 12th grade the white males that are "At or Above Basic Achievement Levels" is stated at 69% while the African-American males "At or Above Basic Achievement Levels" is stated at 46%.

NAEP STATISTICAL REPORT

Minority Male Achievement Gaps Relative to White Males, Grade 12, 2005

Source: NAEP STATISTICAL REPORT (2005)

Demographics

Eleanor Babco states in the work entitled: "Uphill Climb: the Status of African-Americans in Science and Engineering. Making Strides" that: "African-Americans constitute the largest racial minority group in the U.S. And their numbers continue to grow. Data from the U.S. Census Bureau in 1999 show the proportion of African-Americans increased from 12.3% of the population in 1990 to 12.8% in 1999 or a total of 34.9 million. This compares with a decline in the proportion of whites from 83.9% in 1990 to 82.4% in 1999. (2004) the projected population for African-American's will double according to the U.S. Census Bureau states Babco to approximately "61 million, or 14.4% of the estimated population of 394 million compared to 295 million or 74.9% for whites." (2004)

Historical Overview of Educational Trends in United States

Before the decade of the 1970s African-American individuals were practically non-existent as scholars or employees in the science and engineering community and for those who earned their undergraduate degree in science and engineering the degree was from one of the 'historically black colleges or universities' of what is referred to as a 'HBCU'. The HBCUs were established following the Civil War. The work of Babco relates that: "African-Americans have made some progress in increasing their participation in the science and engineering enterprise. Their test scores have risen; the number graduating from high school and entering college is increasing; the number receiving baccalaureates and going onto graduate school is increasing. But the proportions doing so are not large enough or climbing sufficiently to make much of a difference in the total makeup of the pool. If the U.S. wants to continue its world's leadership in science and technology, it must utilize the talent of all of its citizens, capitalizing on the many advantages of diversity. The traditional base of our science and engineering enterprise, white males, is decreasing." (2004) However, it is seen as important that focused and intentional ongoing initiatives for change be ensured.

Overview of Challenges in Provision of Equitable Education Opportunities

Davis of Temple University in the study entitled; "Early Schooling and Academic Achievement of African-American Males" in the Sage Publishing abstract states that: "African-American males challenge schools in many ways. Perhaps the single most important challenge that has garnered recent attention in research reports, policy documents, and public commentary has been the increasing disparity in the educational achievement of African-American males relative to their peers. Although other issues, such as the need to develop programs that promote school readiness, improving teacher education, and providing resources to meet increasing academic standards, are important, the implications for achievement differentials are even more far-reaching. The negative consequences of the achievement gap are more acute for African-American males who are victimized by chronic, systemic levels of poor performance and behavior problems in school. In short, the potential loss of resources -- intellectual, cultural, and economic -- resulting from lower achievement reduces the capacity of African-American males to be productive, integral, and contributing members of their communities." (2006, Sage Publishing Abstract: Davis nd)

Monique M. McMillian states in the work entitled; "Is No Child Left Behind 'Wise Schooling' for African-American Male Students?" published in the High School Journal - Volume 87, Number 2 in December 2003-January 2004, and on pages 25-33 that if achievement among African-American students is to be improved, then education professions "must pay special attention to African-American male achievement and reframe the academic achievement gap as a treatment gap. (2003-2004) McMillan relates that "Engagement studies suggest that African-American students and African-American boys in particular, are susceptible to academic disengagement. Specifically research suggests that education professional's "stereotyping about ability" are partly responsible for the disengagement and lagging achievement of African-American male students." Ibid)

Conceptualization of Problem Why African-American Males Don't Excel in Math

The findings of Oakes (1990a) states that while no difference exists in the experience of African-American students attending inner city schools, and who were from poor families and had been clustered in low-ability classes did not differ greatly from the experiences in mathematics education of their white peers in the elementary school grades however by the time the secondary grades were reached the findings of Oakes states that there were less opportunities for learning math in the secondary grades as did their white peers. In the research of Moody entitled: "Conceptualizing the Mathematics Education of African-American Students: Making Sense of Problems and Explanations" stated is that; "...strongly held views of mathematics as a sorting agent may lead to all students not receiving the same mathematics education. Anderson (1990) argued that this view of mathematics as a sorting agent is an elitist view, meaning that only a select few can learn or do mathematics. Consequently, this elitist view leads to Sells' (1978) notion of mathematics as a critical filter. In this sense, mathematics acts as a gatekeeper for particular jobs and opportunities and is an influential factor in determining students' career designations. Those students, who do not succeed in mathematics, including a disproportionately large number of African-American students, have limited opportunities. Thus, mathematics ability levels may serve as sources of social stratification (Secada, 1989)" (Moody, 1997)

Structural Challenges

Berryman (1983) states that "Mathematics education metaphorically takes on the form of a scientific pipeline (Berryman, 1983). Berryman's study revealed that the African-American and white children entering the elementary schools at the same time will result in a more significant number of African-Americans leaving the schools in middle school. The work of Oakes (1990b) revealed that even more African-Americans will leave the school by the time they are old enough to enter high school. Moody (1997) states that the work of Johnson provides an argument supporting the factors influencing more African-Americans dropping out of school are the factors of (1) an absence of role models; (2) a lack of significant others with interest in achievement in math; (3) a failure to receive career counseling of a positive nature; (4) usefulness and relevance of math in real life not perceived by the African-American individual; (5) a view that math is only relevant or suited to white males; and (6) lack of success in previous mathematics courses. (Moody, 1997; paraphrased)

Oppression: Social, Economic and Political and Resistance to Schooling

Boykin stated in 1986 that "The minority experience is based on exposure to social, economic and political oppression." (p. 66) Resistance to schooling is the manifestation of resistance to schooling which is a defensive posture developed by the African-American in coping with the "oppressive forces." (Ogbu, 1991) According to Moody the factors that have the most to do with academic achievement of those in the African-American culture are: (1) the diligence with which schools teach the children, and (2) how the students perceive and respond to schooling (Ogbu, 1986, p. 40; as cited by Moody, 1997) the work of Ogbu (1986) held that there are three minority groups coexisting in U.S. schools, and while some succeed in school that some do not. Those three groups of minorities are as proposed by Ogbu to be: (1) autonomous; (2) immigrant; and (3) castelike minorities. The later group is the one assigned to African-American individuals since while immigrants (such as the Chinese, Filipinos, Japanese, and Koreans) come to the U.S. On a voluntary basis for improvement of their status either economically, politically or socially, the "African-Americans, Native Americans, and Mexican-Americans are "castelike minorities since they were incorporated into the country involuntarily and permanently through slavery or conquest." (Moody, 1997) in fact Boykin (1986) holds that the "coexistence of African-Americans and White Americans is framed in a 'triple quandary' in which African-Americans participate." (Moody, 1997 This 'triple-quandary' is stated to be "the mainstream experience, the minority experience, and the African-American cultural experience" with a "constant interplay among these three realms of experiential negotiation." (Ibid) in other words: "The minority experience is based on exposure to social, economic, and political oppression" (Boykin, 1986, p. 66).

Moody (1997) states that the explanation provided by Boykin for the experiential view of the African-American was that: "Boykin (1986) explained the African-American cultural experience as having a culturally indigenous basis from which African-Americans interpret and negotiate social reality. Boykin asserted that the African-American cultural experience is rooted in traditional African ethos, and interrelated dimensions of African-American culture include spirituality, harmony, movement, verve, affect, communalism, expressive individualism, oral tradition, and social time perspective. These dimensions are prominent in the way African-Americans interpret and view the world (Boykin, 1986; as cited by Moody, 1997).

The tripe quandary of Boykin is a categorization of African-American's social orientations which "reinforces rather than eradicates[ing] stereotypes." (Moody, 1997) it has been proposed by Boykin (1986) and Prager, (1982) as well as others that the African-American is faced with a struggle of two systems of culture which are (1) the ideology, values and beliefs of the dominating culture (mainstream society's 'ideal' and (2) the ideology, values and beliefs of dominant culture - and traditional African propensities." Prager (1982) stated: "It is not the mere fact that [African-Americans] hold a dual identity which has constrained achievement; to one degree or another, every ethnic and racial group has faced a similar challenge. The [African-American] experience in America is distinguished by the fact that the qualities attributed to [being African-American] are in opposition to the qualities rewarded by society. The specific features of [being African-American], as cultural imagery, are almost by definition those qualities which the dominant society has attempted to deny in itself, and it is the difference between [being African-American] and [being White] that defines, in many respects, American cultural self-understanding. For [African-Americans], then, the effort to reconcile into one personality images which are diametrically opposed poses an extraordinarily difficult challenge. To succeed in America raises the risk of being told -- either by Whites or by [African-Americans] -- that one is not "really [African-American]." No other group in America has been so acutely confronted with this dilemma, for no other group has been simultaneously so systematically ostracized while remaining so culturally significant. (p. 111)" (1982)

Moody states that while "Prager makes the case that African-Americans posses special qualities that are completely opposed to White cultural frame of reference..." that it still remains unclear 'what these special qualities might be." (1997) the assertion in the work of Boykin is that the differential in the characteristics of the African-American and White American are due to the experiential differences in the following factors:

Experiential Differences of the White American and the African-American

White American vs. African-American materialism spiritualism mastery over nature harmony with nature mechanistic metaphors organic metaphors impulse control expressive movement mystery over nature harmony of nature separateness interconnectedness person to object emphasis person to person emphasis

It is the argument of Boykin that: "...this incommensurability makes it difficult to put (African-American) culture reality in the service of attainment in (White) American cultural institutions such as schools." (Boykin, 1986, p. 63) it is argued by Stiff (1990) as well as Stiff and Harvey (1988) that "African-American student 'cultural frame of reference' is opposed to the culture of the traditional mathematics classroom. For instance the attributers of "working independently, being direct and concise, valuing direct and efficient methods of obtaining information, using accepted (elaborate) syntactical discourse, and responding in an orderly and structure matter in classroom situations (Stiff, 1990) are complete at odds with the African-American culture that values "working in support groups, telling tangential stories that may or may not relate to the problem, valuing the person relationship that can be nurtured, using a 'conversational style' discourse, and perhaps leaving ones' seat to answer a question (Stiff, 1990) These attributes associated with African-American cultural frame of reference are usually condemned in traditional mathematics classrooms (Stiff, 1990; Stiff & Harvey, 1988), sending a message to African-American students: "You are not the type of mathematics student we want" (Stiff, 1990, p. 156)." In the work of Moody (1997).

Moody states that it is critical that educators "question those schooling practices that undermine the charge and work to maintain the existing oppressive social structure. A fundamental challenge for mathematics educators is to question the role that education and schooling play in perpetuating the inequalities and inequities that exist in the mathematics education of African-American students." (1997) Moody points out the statement of Campbell (1995) that Education does not "...simply reproduce the inequality existing outside itself; it plays an active part in reinforcing the differences and inequalities that already exist." (p. 238) Mathematics teacher education programs need to embellish educational practices that embody equity and counter oppression. Moreover, mathematics educators should raise the critical social consciousness of preservice teachers and help them reflect on the nature of structural oppression as it affects the culturally diverse student. Consequently, this reflection may lead to ways to improve the mathematical experiences of African-American students. With complex ethnic and social ramifications apparent in schooling, it is important to conceptualize issues of equity and equality and their roles in the mathematics education of African-American students." (Moody, 1997)

The work entitled: "Reaching the Top: A Report of the National Task Force on Minority High Achievement" states that: "Students from low-income homes and whose parents have little formal education (who tend to be disproportionately people of color are much more likely to be low achievers. Another reason for low achievement is the high student mobility rate in schools serving large numbers of disadvantage students." (College Board, 1999) the work of Kathleen Hanson entitled: "Gender, Discourse and Technology" states that; Despite the emphasis and importance placed on technology within the United States, technology is not equally accessible to all sections of society. Computers are disproportionately seen in upper and middle class households, with the access and availability of technology absent in poorer populations. Instead of focusing this problem on the student, a cultural context needs to be developed to understand discrepancies in the accessibility of technology. This issue is addressed by defining technology and relating it to race, gender and class, as well as looking at workplace and classroom cultures.

According to the work of Martin (2003); Rousseau & Tate (2003) schools have failed in the provision of instruction in mathematics to African-American students both in the elementary and secondary levels. African-American males are know to have low achievement in mathematics and in the studies of Brookover & Erickson (1969); Coleman et al., (1966); Morrow & Torres (1995) in which "researchers examined the relationship between the academic performance of African-American males and their experiences in school...Their academic performance tended to mirror the larger societal experiences but played out in educational settings." (Martin, 2000) the "negative adaptive behaviors of Black males in their ability to detach the importance of educational success" was noted as "a cultural phenomenon" in the work of Ogbu (1987), Fordham (1996) and Noguera (2005) Ogbu (2003) noted that to the African-American male achieving high in school was seen as "uncool'. The phrase "oppositional identities" was coined by Ogbu (1987) to describe the "ability to devalue the importance of educational success" on the part of the African-American male. In the study of Martin (2000) which was a qualitative case study in examining mathematics identity and socialization of four individuals. Mathematics identify is defined by Martin as "the participants beliefs about (a) their ability to perform in mathematical contexts; (b) the instrumental importance of mathematical knowledge; - constraints and mathematical contexts, and (d) the resulting motivations and strategies used to obtain Mathematics knowledge (Marin, 2000, p.19; as cited by Martin, 2000)

Martin (2000) describes Mathematics socialization as "the processes and experiences by which individual and collective Mathematics identifies are "shaped in socio-historical, community, school and intrapersonal contexts" (p. 19) the question posed by Martin (2000) was "Why is it that despite increased demands for those who possess Mathematics-related skills and knowledge, significant advances in educational theory, and calls for higher educational standards, African-Americans continue to experience their Mathematic educations in ways that place them at or near the bottom on all measures of achievement and persistence? (p. 9) Toward the discovery of answer Martin moved to survey parents and community members through questionnaires relating to their experiences with school, or the education institution. socioeconomic and educational experiences cause two of the four participants to "diminish the value of mathematical knowledge in their own and their children's lives. Listed as 'motivating' factors for returning to school were the experiential lessons and to benefit their children having obtained a higher education and knowledge of mathematics.

The African-American male was not expected to achieve in educational areas of management and accounting studies evidenced in the statement related in the work of Martin (2000) who states that a participant related that: "I only indulged myself in my studies to the degree that I was satisfied that I could do math up to multiplication and division of fractions and decimals and it was good enough for me for what was I going to do. I wasn't going to be doing any math. To be a laborer, all it's going to require is to run a piece of machinery." (p. 42) Additionally a participant stated: "We don't have no industry out there and the industry that is out there, they're not targeting the Black community and saying, "If you go and get more math, then I can guarantee you this." (p. 45) and finally: "I have hopes. My expectation is that (my son) will graduate from high school. If he doesn't, it's no big deal...My expectation for him is to probably be no worse than I was. Just to pass." (p.46)