Identity is socially constructed, a process that begins at an early age. Child rearing practices at home and school and community socialization begin the process of identity construction (Rogoff, 2003). As the individual constructs his or her own identity, exogenous forces also shape that individual's identity such as reactions to the way a person's appearance. For visible minorities, belonging to closely-knit communities in small groups can greatly enhance the process of identity construction, particularly for minority youth (Bratt, 2015). This remains true throughout the young person's life, including the person's transition from adolescence into young adulthood. Adolescence remains the critical point of identity construction, holding "a special role in virtually all cultures as a time of transition between childhood and adulthood," (Cauce, Cruz, Corona, & Conger n.d., p. 14). Therefore, it makes sense to focus on adolescence and young adulthood when investigating biculturality among Muslim American youth.
Religion and culture are both significant features and factors of identity construction. At times there may be significant nodes of intersection between national, ethnic, and religious identities, leading to multiple and interlinked identity constructions. Gender can also factor in, as can socio-economic or status class differences. For example, South Asian Muslims share a Muslim identity with their Arabian counterparts, but also share a common identity with their Hindu South Asian counterparts (Mohammad-Arif, 2000). Theories of identity formation are often culturally constrained themselves, revealing biases in the way identity itself is conceptualized. For example, as Joshanloo (2013) points out, Western scholarship on identity construction is built on Western values and concepts integral to Western personality theory and worldview. When considering the unique elements of Muslim identity construction, or any other non-Western identity construction, it may be necessary to reconsider issues such as how happiness and other psychological variables are defined (Joshanloo, 2013). Identity and culture are both structural elements in sociology and psychology. As structures they are "mutually sustaining cultural schemas and sets of resources that empower and constrain social action and tend to be reproduced by that action," (Sewell, 1992, p. 29).
Bicultural identity construction is already complex, even in a pluralistic society that recognizes the range of multicultural identities an individual might have, for Muslims in America, biculturalism theory presents a unique set of challenges and opportunities. Especially since September 11 and the ways attitudes of non-Muslims in America towards Muslims either in America or abroad, how individuals construct their bicultural identities depends on a number of factors. Bicultural theory suggests that individuals can successfully negotiate their position vis-a-vis the dominant culture, as well as one or another minority cultures, or two minority cultures (Cauce, Cruz, Corona, & Conger n.d). Bicultural theory shows how alternative means of identity construction ranging from religion and class to gender and occupation, can lead to social group cohesion that enhances identity construction for bicultural adolescents.
For Muslims in America, cleaving to their religious heritage and community of origin becomes critical in the face of discrimination (Peek, 2005). Discrimination can, in face become the means by which young adults construct an even firmer foundation as a Muslim in America. When a bicultural identity no longer serves to provide social and psychological sustenance, the individual might find it more fruitful to align with the subculture and adopt a more Muslim identity. The identity development can become oppositional in character after the experience of discrimination. However, Skerry (2016) found that biculturalism remains strong in the Muslim community in America even within the diversity of Muslim Americans including African-Americans, Arab-Americans, and South Asian Muslims. The biculturalism theories used to assess Muslim identity construction among youth in America stems from the double-consciousness theories that Dubois had established, and which can be elaborated on through research on how Muslim identities develop as oppositional or integrational (Lafromboise, et al., 1993).
Muslim youth identity in the United States is formed through a complex interface between family input, the cultivation of religious values in the home, and secular culture at school, through peer groups, and in the media. Sirin et al. (2008) surveyed about a hundred Muslim young adults between the ages of 18 and 25, critical ages for identity construction. The researchers found that dual identity was common, that commingling a Muslim and American secular identity was not necessarily a conflict. Discrimination-related stress had a strong bearing on identity conflict, however: a key finding that is repeated throughout the literature and remains especially important for Muslim women because of their high visibility. Assimilation can be interrupted via the experience of direct and indirect forms of discrimination, or enhanced by family attitudes or religiosity.
Muslim identity construction in the United States is not necessarily a conflicted process, though. Sirin, et al. (2008) found that "young people found a way of allowing their Muslim and American identities to co-exist, and only a small minority of the participants seemed to experience identity conflict," (p. 259). Conflict would only emerge after the experience of discrimination. Muslim women are at an especially high risk for experiencing discrimination. Rangoonwala, Sy & Espinoza (2011) also found that Muslim women on college campuses who ascribe to traditional Muslim dress codes end up reporting higher and more secure levels of college adjustment than their counterparts who have opted for assimilation. Muslim women who assimilate negotiate the dress code, perhaps in order to conform to the dominant culture's Islamophobia. Others form an oppositional identity, cleaving themselves to the Muslim community and ceasing to identify as much with the dominant secular culture. The theory is that Muslim women locate each other on campus, thereby creating the sense of small group belonging and community identity that is critical for psychological and social health, and also for strong identity development (Rangoonwala, Sy & Espinoza, 2011). A "sense of belonging" is needed for cohesive identity development and social adjustment (Rangoonwala, Sy & Espinoza, 2011, p. 238). Understanding youth identity development must take into account psychological variables like belongingness, agreeableness as a Big Five trait, and other personality factors. Belongingness is also reflected in literature on psychological development (Bratt, 2015).
Muslim identity is sometimes viewed as subversive in the United States, due to widespread stigma and media coverage. This has led to conflicted bicultural identities among young people who might otherwise have navigated their Muslim-American identity just fine. For example, Rangoonwala, Sy & Espinoza (2011) show that Muslim identity is linked to low college adjustment. When individuals experience discrimination, their ability to firmly identify with the dominant American culture is diminished as their agency and cultural capital is also diminished (Sirin, et al., 2008). Since September 11, Muslims occupy a liminal position in American society. Their citizenship and belonging has been renegotiated and redefined through the lenses of fear and terrorism, leading to the perception of threat by others that cause identity conflicts. To resolve those conflicts, Muslim youth in America find solidarity through their communities. In some cases, biculturalism can be a significant source of strength as individuals can navigate their identities through multiple communities.
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