Agbiboa, D.E. (2013a). Peace at Daggers Drawn? Boko Haram and the State of Emergency in Nigeria. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 37(1): 41-67.
One of the leading analysts on Boko Haram here provides a detailed overview of the group, discussing how Boko Haram emerged out of the chaotic instability in northern Nigeria, what specific demands and issues the group has presented and how those demands have changed, how they recruit, and also the methods Boko Haram uses to facilitate and carry out its operations. According to Abgiboa (2013a), "more than 3,500 people have died in Nigeria since 2009," (p. 41). Negotiations with the group have failed, due in part to "distrust on both sides" as well as Boko Haram's factionalization (p. 41). The factions emerging in Boko Haram may offer clues as to how to destabilize the group from the inside.
Agbiboa, D.E. (2013b). Why Boko Haram Exists: The Relative Deprivation Perspective. African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 3(1): 144-157.
The author frames Boko Haram not only in terms of Nigeria's colonial past, but also in terms of its conflicted present. Noting that radical Islam is "not a new phenomenon in northern Nigeria," Agbiboa (2013b) claims that "Muslim fanatics" have capitalized on the systematic disenfranchisement and impoverishment in the north to radicalize young recruits. The author shows how deprivation theory can be applied to Boko Haram to provide alternative counterterrorism solutions.
Anyadike, N.O. (2013). Boko Haram and National Security Challenges in Nigeria; Causes and Solutions. Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 4(5): Retrieved: http://rguild.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Boko-Haram-and-National-Security-Challenges-in-Nigeria-Causes.pdf
This article is helpful for positioning Boko Haram in terms of globalized Islamic terrorism. The author shows how Boko Haram's 2009 uprising "set a precedent," and showed how a specifically Nigerian brand of Islamic fundamentalism was competing with secular Nigerian institutions. Economic disenfranchisement, "party politics and politics of anxiety," and desperate politicians have fomented the anti-government sentiments among northern Nigerians, and Islamic leaders have remained relatively "ambivalent" to the group (p. 1). This article is helpful for understanding Boko Haram within the context of Nigerian political, social, and economic institutions.
Blanchard, L.P. (2014). Nigeria's Boko Haram: Frequently Asked Questions. Current Politics and Economics of Africa7(2) (2014): 143-172.
Blanchard (2014) discusses Boko Haram from the perspective of American foreign policy and counterterrorism. The author points out how the April 2014 abduction of almost 300 schoolgirls drew additional media attention onto the group, placing it alongside groups like Al Qaeda even though an official connection between the two groups has not been affirmed. However, Boko Haram has been named "one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the world," not only by the Obama Administration but also by the United Nations.
Hansen, W.W. & Musa, U.A. (2013). Fanon, the Wretched and Boko Haram. Journal of Asian and African Studies January 15, 2013 0021909612467277.
This article helps with theory development, showing how critical Marxist theory and post-colonial discourse can be used to frame and influence policy related to Boko Haram. The authors use Frantz Fanon's theories as a springboard for analysis, showing how Boko Haram can be viewed as an extension of colonial and post-colonial uprisings of "the socially marginalized, the abused, the dregs of humanity, The Other!" (p. 1). Dehumanization leads to violent attempts to reclaim power, identity, and a sense of humanity. Fanon's theory links in with conflict theory in general.
Mantzikos, I. (2013). Boko Haram: Anatomy of a Crisis. Bristol, UK: E-IR.
One of the few books to be included in this research, Mantzikos (2013) has compiled a range of pertinent essays from authors addressing Boko Haram from different perspectives and theoretical viewpoints. Essays cover issues as wide-ranging as identity construction and psychological issues, to how Boko Haram specifically carries out specialized targets like communications infrastructure and how the Nigerian government as responded. This book will therefore become instrumental for this research.
Mohammed, K. (2014). The message and methods of Boko Haram. In Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos (Ed.) Boko Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the state in Nigeria. African Studies Centre. Retrieved: http://ifra-nigeria.org/IMG/pdf/boko-haram-islamism-politics-security-nigeria.pdf#page=19
This article shows how Boko Haram has been influenced by external, mainly Salafi, Jihadist Islamic militant groups, not just in terms of doctrine but also tactics including "targeted assassinations, suicide bombings, and hostage taking," (Mohammad, 2014, p. 19). The author also shows how Boko Haram has been also working in Mali, and has become linked with regional terrorist networks as well as global ones.
Ojochenemi, J.D., Asuelime, L.E. & Onapajo, H. (2015). Responses and Recommendations to End Boko Haram Terrorism. In Boko Haram: The Socio-Economic Drivers. Springer Briefs in Political Science, 103-114.
This article offers a refreshing focus on solutions to Boko Haram focused on pragmatic as well as theoretical issues. The topics addressed include the oil-based economy as potentially contributing to the problem, as well as "endemic corruption, poverty, frustration, despair, and social exclusion and marginalization," (p. 103). Solutions need to focus on root causes, and include good governance policies, leadership, and institutions like welfare and job creation.
Onuoha, F.C. (2014). Why do youth join Boko Haram? United States Institute of Peace Special Report 348, June 2014, Retrieved: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR348-Why_do_Youth_Join_Boko_Haram.pdf
The key question for the author is why young people are drawn to the group in the first place, and methodology includes the use of surveys, interviews, and focus groups conducted in Nigeria in 2013. The results suggest that "poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and weak family structures make or contribute to making young men vulnerable to radicalization," (Onuoha, 2014, p. 1). However, anti-government discourse is also built into the rhetorical strategies of local preachers. Implications for policy are therefore clear.
Zenn, J. & Pearson, E. (2014). Women, Gender and the evolving tactics of Boko Haram. Journal of Terrorism Research. 5(1). DOI: http://doi.org/10.15664/jtr.828
A gender perspective of Boko Haram enriches the discourse and provides more suitable means of developing long-term policy initiatives. The authors claim that gender-based violence by Boko Haram has signified an important shift towards including women in its operations. Gender perspectives need to be integrated into a full understanding of Boko Haram.
Part B: Synthesis and Review of Literature
Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has contended with social, economic, and political turmoil. This troubled and tumultuous environment has enabled the emergence of radical Islam in Nigeria, starting in the 1980s with the Maitatsine Uprisings and continuing from there until the full-fledged emergence of Boko Haram in northern Nigeria. Viewed against this socio-historical backdrop, the emergence of Boko Haram in the 1990s should not seem overly surprising. It is also critical to situate Boko Haram in a global context, as the group also emerged concurrently with and with the support of global radical and jihadist Islam. Boko Haram has been responsible for thousands of deaths since 2009, but millions of Nigerians have been affected by the violence, directly or indirectly.
The international community has been relatively slow to respond to Boko Haram, all but ignoring the group until 2012. In 2012, the United States designated Abubakar Shekau, one of Boko Haram's leaders, a Specially Designated Global Terrorists in 2012. In 2013, Boko Haram was designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) by the U.S. State Department (Blanchard, 2013). When Boko Haram abducted almost 300 schoolgirls in April of 2014, the organization finally drew international scorn due to extensive media coverage of the incident. Domestic appeasement policies and militaristic interventions have both failed to de-escalate the violence and mitigate the crisis. In fact, some critics are pointing to the ways the government has either directly exacerbated the problems by ignoring its root causes, or has indirectly enabled the perpetuation of radical Islam through poor governance, weak institutions, and systematic corruption.
Boko Haram has evolved beyond an agenda of Islamic fundamentalism and Sharia law towards a complete platform promising socio-economic empowerment to Nigeria's most vulnerable populations. Understanding Boko Haram requires acknowledgment of the socio-economic and political forces that impacted its initial development and ensure its ongoing success in securing new recruits. Government responses have neglected to frame Boko Haram in terms of root causes and conflict theory. Conflict theory, deprivation theory, and gender theory will become the most fruitful methods of analyzing Boko Haram with an ultimate goal of offering sensible and implementable solutions.
Agbiboa (2013a) also suggests that the Nigerian government capitalize on recent fragmentation in Boko Haram leadership, and the splintering off of the group into cells with differentiated leadership and goals. Zenn & Pearson (2014) show how recent Boko Haram strategies have entailed the recruitment and instrumentation of women in the group's structure and operations. Anyadike (2013) shows how "economic dislocation," "party politics," and the "politics of anxiety," have contributed to the popularity of Boko Haram, yet the focus must also remain squarely on the methods by which prominent Islamic leaders have either remained silent and ambivalent about the violence or have directly encouraged it (p. 1). Onuoha (2014) shows how many preachers are itinerant, yet they have a strong sway over young, unemployed, poor, and disenfranchised youth by "conveying a narrative of the government as weak and corrupt," (p. 1). Based on evidence supporting conflict theory as a root cause, Ojochenemi, Asuelime & Onapajo (2015) suggest as possible solutions the institutionalization of welfare reforms and the diversification of the Nigerian economy.
Part C: Theory
Boko Haram needs to be understood both from a regional and localized perspective as a uniquely Nigerian phenomenon, but also within the perspective of trans-national Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. The theoretical perspectives that most help policy analysts envision workable solutions that can be implemented locally, nationally, regionally, and globally are all rooted in conflict theory on some level. Conflict theory provides the necessary framework for understanding how systematic disenfranchisement and oppression creates the risk of radicalism and revolt, as well as the opportunities for collective action in the form of cohesive and organized terrorist networks. Hansen & Musa (2013) show how an African brand of conflict theory and post-colonial identity development covered in the work of Fanon can be especially helpful for shedding light on Boko Haram and offering possible solutions.
Deprivation theory adds depth to the theoretical underpinnings and helps present a cogent policy for addressing Boko Haram. Agbiboa (2013a), Ojochenemi, Asuelime & Onapajo (2015), Onuoha (2014) and others almost universally agree that deprivation theory accounts for the existence and entrenchment of Boko Haram. Northern Nigeria has been geographically, culturally, and politically cut off from the seat of power and oil-based economic development in Nigeria. Systematically deprived of access to economic opportunities, the populations susceptible to radicalization have cause for tremendous grievances towards the Nigerian government. Therefore, the Nigerian government needs to shift away from militaristic responses that address only the surface issues and fail to account for the root causes of the problem.
In addition to deprivation theory, gender theory sheds light on how Boko Haram propagates itself. Beyond a simplistic view of Boko Haram as an emblem of patriarchal power given the 2014 abductions, gender theory shows how offering women the opportunity for self-empowerment through Boko Haram has changed the gender discourse. This suggests that a Marxist-feminist theoretical framework might be added to general conflict theory to show how the systematically disempowered and subjugated communities of Nigeria construct oppositional identities and politics.
References
Agbiboa, D.E. (2013a). Peace at Daggers Drawn? Boko Haram and the State of Emergency in Nigeria. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 37(1): 41-67.
Agbiboa, D.E. (2013b). Why Boko Haram Exists: The Relative Deprivation Perspective. African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 3(1): 144-157.
Anyadike, N.O. (2013). Boko Haram and National Security Challenges in Nigeria; Causes and Solutions. Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 4(5): Retrieved: http://rguild.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Boko-Haram-and-National-Security-Challenges-in-Nigeria-Causes.pdf
Blanchard, L.P. (2014). Nigeria's Boko Haram: Frequently Asked Questions. Current Politics and Economics of Africa7(2) (2014): 143-172.
Hansen, W.W. & Musa, U.A. (2013). Fanon, the Wretched and Boko Haram. Journal of Asian and African Studies January 15, 2013 0021909612467277.
Mantzikos, I. (2013). Boko Haram: Anatomy of a Crisis. Bristol, UK: E-IR.
Mohammed, K. (2014). The message and methods of Boko Haram. In Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos (Ed.) Boko Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the state in Nigeria. African Studies Centre. Retrieved: http://ifra-nigeria.org/IMG/pdf/boko-haram-islamism-politics-security-nigeria.pdf#page=19
Ojochenemi, J.D., Asuelime, L.E. & Onapajo, H. (2015). Responses and Recommendations to End Boko Haram Terrorism. In Boko Haram: The Socio-Economic Drivers. Springer Briefs in Political Science, 103-114.
Onuoha, F.C. (2014). Why do youth join Boko Haram? United States Institute of Peace Special Report 348, June 2014, Retrieved: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR348-Why_do_Youth_Join_Boko_Haram.pdf
Zenn, J. & Pearson, E. (2014). Women, Gender and the evolving tactics of Boko Haram. Journal of Terrorism Research. 5(1). DOI: http://doi.org/10.15664/jtr.828
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