No Child Left Behind but the Ethnic Minorities

No Child Left Behind

When it was first initiated, the No Child Left Behind Act was intended to make schools accountable for the education of their students. This federal Elementary and Secondary Education Act was supposed to improve the quality of education for all children in the United States. This paper will show, however, that in many school districts, the No Child Left Behind Act has had the opposite effect. As a result, many minority schoolchildren are left behind in school districts with worsening educational problems.

This paper applies a conflict perspective approach to analyzing education in the United States in general, and the No Child Left Behind Act in particular. The first part of the paper gives an overview of the writings of Karl Marx on social inequity. This section then discusses how this theory and the conflict perspective are applicable to the problems in the American educational system. The next part then gives an overview of the failure of the No Child Left Behind Act in improving the educational system in the United States.

In the last part, the paper applies Marx's writings and the conflict perspective in an analysis of why the No Child Left Behind Act has failed to improve the quality of education for many children in minority school districts. It argues that as long as the roots of social inequality in education remain unaddressed, programs such as the No Child Left Behind Act will at best effect only cosmetic changes.

Karl Marx and social inequality

Marx is most well-known for his economic theories and his critique of capitalism. However, the thinker also made significant contributions to the field of social philosophy and social theory. Particularly relevant in this regard are his writings about how other social institutions - such as religion, education and the family - contribute to social inequality as a whole.

Marx was a strong advocate of establishing new economic institutions, ones that would do away with the destructive nature of capitalism. Marx's main critique of capitalism was that the current economic system promotes the domination of one group in society. As a result, many groups in society remain subjugated, their voices unheard. Furthermore, capitalism as an economic system reproduces these conditions, ensuring its own continuity in a vicious cycle by a selective distribution of social privileges.

According to classical Marxist theory, the economic and social privileges due to a person are products of his or her economic class. For Karl Marx, all people are "an ensemble of social relations" (Bottomore 89). People live their lives within the context of unequal social relationships. These unequal relationships in have grown out of an individual's access to the dominant means of production in a society.

Thus, Marx recognized the ruling class maintains a strong dominance in society. It is the ruling class of capitalists who are able to control the means of production and the proletariat, which sells its labor to the ruling class. However, in addition to these two classes, Marx also added the middle class. This "bourgeoisie" class is also dependent on the labor of the proletariat and also serves to further the interests of the ruling class (Bottomore, 85).

In The Communist Manifesto, Marx wrote that the "history of all existing society is the history of class struggle" (cited in Bottomore 87). This was because under capitalism, the ruling class' ownership of the means of production also necessitates that the proletariat families live under economic conditions that separate them from the interests and culture of the ruling classes. This means that the proletariat is constantly in hostile opposition to the ruling class, even as they continue to uphold these class divisions with their labor (Bottomore, 85).

For Marx, this economic "base" forms the foundation for the larger "superstructure" of the forms of state and class consciousness. In addition to economic conditions, the class structure also determines the "social, intellectual and life process in general" (Marx, cited in Larrain 45). In other words, the superstructure is not an autonomous body that exists independently of economic institutions. Instead, the forms of government and state authority as well as the social "consciousness" of a class is determined by the economic foundations of a society. Thus, any permanent change in the superstructure needs to be preceded by a change in a society's economic relations (Larrain 45).

In other writings, Marx explores the roots of the proletariat's consciousness, one that has been formed in relation to their lack of capital. In fact, economic conditions are responsible for transforming these people into a mass of workers who have nothing to exchange but their labor. They are defined largely by what they do not have, which means capital and property. This form of negative association also means that the proletariat lacks an "identity." They lack the sense of community that would allow them to define and enforce their class interests, whether through political or other means. This also means that the proletariat often cannot represent its own interests in the state's political structures, and must therefore be represented by the members of the ruling class (Fletscher 89).

In contrast, the members of the ruling class are careful to use class consciousness to their advantage, to enhance their social and economic privileges. The system of inheritance, for example, ensures that property remains concentrated in the hands of the ruling class. In this way, the aristocrats remained aristocrats, possessing circumscribed privileges as defined by their class interests (Fletscher 89).

Despite the astute realization that consciousness is defined in relation to one's economic conditions, this classical Marxist analysis of a superstructure (political institutions and consciousness) resting on an economic base proves inadequate to explain the many forms of social stratification. For instance, gender and race often affect privilege, even more than class. Furthermore, even Marx himself recognized that the peasant and working class often use their limited voting rights to further subjugate themselves, rather than establishing themselves as a revolutionary challenge to the ruling class (Fletscher 89).

As evidenced by advanced industrial capitalist systems like the United States, the class struggle is not always active. While class conflict is inherent, whether people - particularly workers - engage in collective actions against their exploiters also depends on the social structures that shape people's consciousness. In other words, in societies such as the United States, an active class struggle does not occur mainly because workers do not perceive themselves as "exploited." vast network of social institutions - media, religion, public schools - are able to effectively impart the values of the ruling class. These social institutions help quell the class struggle by promoting the ruling class values as the only "correct" social values. In schools and through the media, many Americans learn to accept the current social conditions as the only "legitimate" social structure in the United States.

It is in this respect that the state plays an important role. Marx saw the State as "the form in which the individuals of a ruling class assert their common interests." Because capitalists are the ruling class, their ideas and values also become the ruling ideas. In the United States, through the institutions such as mass media and education, this ruling class of capitalists promotes an entrepreneurial culture, where individual hard work can be richly rewarded. The consumer-oriented market focuses people's attention towards acquiring goods. The government enacts laws that favor corporate interests over labor.

Because Marx viewed the problem as rooted deep in capitalism, his solution calls for the development of a new economic system. His proposal thus calls for a "positive humanism," the ultimate form of communism that abolishes the private ownership of the means of production.

In this utopian solution, Marx envisioned a society where the common ownership of goods abolishes destructive competition and greed. As a result, people would then be free to find tasks suited to their interests and in line with their true creative essences.

In summary, class struggles are inherent in advanced capitalist systems. However, by harnessing the state's media, market and government mechanisms, the ruling class lulls workers into a state of complacency about their exploitation.

By using the state and its allied institutions, capitalists are able to quell or at least hinder class struggle.

Thus, the only solution is an overhaul of the current economic system, into one that recognizes people as more than mere workers but as complex human beings.

No Child Left Behind Act

Overview of the law

Officially named the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the No Child Left Behind Act was signed into law by President Bush in 2002. This law sought to improve education by making states accountable for the performance of their students in standardized tests. Towards this, the federal government has allocated $58.3 billion in funding for 2005 alone ("U.S. Department of Education").

One of the key features of the No Child Left Behind Act was to ensure that all students must show proficiency in math and reading by the 2013-2014 school year. Schools must show a yearly progress report towards this goal. This holds true especially for English language students and special education students. School districts that continuously fail to post improvements will face sanctions. Principals and teachers in such "underperforming" schools could be suspended, removed or replaced. The No Child Left Behind Act also makes provisions allowing state to take over underperforming schools. Additionally, federal funding could be withheld for underperforming schools ("U.S. Department of Education").

To measure improvement, the No Child Left Behind Act relies largely on annual tests. One of the provisions of this Act would be to require annual state-administered examination for all children in grades 3 to 8. These state-administered tests would provide educators with a measurable goal to strive towards ("U.S. Department of Education"). The tests also give evaluators a standardized method to assess improvement in reading and math skills.

The Achievement Gap

These tests form the basis for closing the "achievement gap" that exists between privileged students and disadvantaged, and often minority students. After all, statistics have shown that American education is being stratified according to racial and class lines. This "achievement gap" is seen in the lower graduation rates, lower SAT scores and generally poorer performance among minority children and children from lower-income school districts.

The scholastic achievement gap starts as early as pre-school. Data from the U.S. Department of Labor (cited in Jacobson 2001) shows that by kindergarten and first grade, children of African-American, American Indian and Latino heritage exhibit lower levels of school awareness compared to white and Asian children of the same age. These tests measure factors such as the mastery of oral language, pre-mathematics and pre-reading skills. In addition, African-American, American Indian and Latino children also who lower levels of general knowledge.

By the time children get to the early elementary grades, the discrepancy worsens. By first grade, many African-American children are a year behind their white counterparts in terms of vocabulary knowledge. For many children, this trend will often continue. Studies by Jacobson et al. (2001) show that black children learn less than their white peers through every year of schooling. Thus, the typical vocabulary knowledge of a black 17-year-old student is often comparable to that of the average white 13-year-old student (Jacobson 2001).

The gap in basic reading skills has important consequences as the student moves on to higher elementary grade levels. Reading skills are the foundation for more advanced instruction, in subjects like mathematics, social studies, language arts and science. By fourth grade, instruction in public school shifts from teaching basic skills to teaching more analytical subjects. Studies such as Jacobson et al. (2001) have found that from middle elementary to high school, students from low-income African-American and Hispanic families post lower standardized test scores and lower report card grades in all areas of instruction, not only reading.

In mathematics, for example, studies conducted by the National Center for Educational Statistics (cited in Jacobson 2001) found that the average nine-year-old African-American child scored lower in mathematics and science standardized tests. This gap remains statistically significant until the typical student leaves high school at age 17. To further illustrate this data, on the average, the standardized test scores of the typical African-American student ranks below 75% of their Caucasian peers.

These achievement gaps can also be seen in the SAT scores, which are largely used as determinants for a student's higher education chances. Jacobson (2001) found that African-American students scored 91 points lower in the SAT verbal section and 106 points lower in the mathematics section. These figures represent a significant increase from the early 1990s, when the reading gap only consisted of 30 points. The figures also indicate a worsening trend.

Addressing the achievement gap

The No Child Left Behind Act ostensibly addresses this achievement gap by monitoring their school's general performance in standardized testing scores. In schools with a large population of disadvantaged students, the law requires states to make yearly progress reports. Schools that have been identified as "needing improvement" will be required to make "adequate progress" in a maximum of two years. If not progress is made, then states will be responsible for a series of corrective actions, such as replacement of personnel. In many cases, schools where students fail to show improvements in test scores will lose federal funding. The disadvantaged students in underperforming schools will thus be given an option to use federal funding to transfer to higher-performing schools. This "choice" option allows students from an underperforming school to transfer to a school that is deemed as "better" ("U.S. Department of Education" 2002).

In summary, the No Child Left Behind Act was born out of a need to address the achievement gap, through public education. The next section applies a Marxist analysis as to why the law has so far failed to lessen this gap and to bring about greater social equity.

Marxist analysis of the No Child Left Behind Act

Early statistics regarding the first two years of the No Child Left Behind Act indicate that this program is largely a failure. In 2003-2004, for example, almost 31% of all public schools in the United States failed to make "adequate progress" as measured in their standardized tests. This translates to 27,526 schools around the country. Twenty-nine states have requested Congress for waivers and more funding to cover the costs of much-needed school reform. Six other states are discussing bills to opt themselves out of the No Child Left Behind Act. Though this measure will mean the return of all related federal funding, it will also mean that these states will avoid the penalties levied for underperformance in standardized tests ("A look at the No Child Left Behind Act" 2004).

Marxist analysis of the premises behind and the application of the No Child Left Behind Act shows that the law addresses the problem of the achievement gap from the wrong perspective. The underperformance of disadvantaged children is blamed largely on the failure of the educators. However, this analysis ignores the many sociological factors that go into inequalities that are built into the American educational system.

Experts have identified several factors that give rise to the gap in achievement scores between Caucasian and minority students. The most pervasive of these factors are socio-economic in nature. The different social class backgrounds between African-American, Hispanic and Caucasian families are responsible for the gap in cognitive skills during kindergarten. Part of the reason is that a child's vocabulary develops through constant parental stimulation. A Marxist analysis would thus point out that parents who have to work at two or more jobs cannot always devote time to activities like bedtime reading and talking to their children.

Corollary to this, Farkas (2003) observed that a higher percentage of African-American and Hispanic children get placed into special education or held back a grade. This could be partly attributed to the initial gap in their early cognitive skills, as well as continuing financial difficulties at home.

Within classrooms, first and second grade teachers generally group together students who are considered good readers and those who are deemed to need more effort.

However, another insidious factor behind this phenomenon is racism, and the role that schools are expected to play in maintaining the status quo. A classical Marxist analysis would emphasize the class aspects in this equation. However, dominance in society could also refer to other factors, such as race and ethnicity. In relegating more minority children to special education or lower educational grades, schools thus help maintain racial status quo by "tracking" minority students to less rigorous academic programs.

Marxist analysis would also look to factors outside the schools themselves. Residential segregation, according to Farkas (2003), could also come into play. This is because many teachers in schools with a high minority population treat their students as if they belong to low ability groups. As a result, these students are given a less-demanding curriculum and graduate with much less knowledge than their counterparts from other schools.