¶ … Organic Food Purchases by German and Italian Consumers
The organic food market in Europe is increasing, over the last decade growth in demand has increased in double digits, rising to €26.2 billion in 2014 (IFOAM, 2015). This growth is expected to continue, with consumers appearing to association many positive character tics and benefits. In research undertaken by MINTEL it was found that organic food was perceived as healthier and safer; 46% of Germans and 50% of French consumers surveyed by the organisation stated they believed it was safer that non organic food due to the absence of pesticides (MINTEL, 2015).
The trend towards organic food which is often sold at a premium price, may be argued as interesting, as it has been occurring at a time of economic hardship, when discount supermarkets have been thriving (Puelles, Diaz-Bustamante, & Carcelen, 2016). This pattern indicates that those buying organic food may perceive its benefits as worth the premium, but it does not indicate what factors are impacting on those views. In the past, research has sought to identify and classify purchasers of organic food, looking at demographic aspects such as age, education, income, with mixed results and without the development of a typical profile for a purchaser of organic food (Hughner, McDonagh, Prothero, Shultz, & Stanton, 2007). The results have been mixed, without any clear demographic profile emerging from the research. There are some broad patterns which have emerged; those most likely to buy organic food are mainly women, and are likey to be older, although mothers with children are also known to hold mainly positive views about organic food (Hughner et al., 2007). The older consumers may be more likely to purchase organic due to increased affordability, with the older consumers likely to have a higher level of disposable income (Hughner et al., 2007). However, this alone is not sufficient to define the influences on who buy organic food and the influences that are present. Additional research has been undertaken to increase this understanding, but the research of the past is mixed, and has not yet created a uniform agreement on the profile of organic food purchasers, and the influences that are present.
One area which is often assumed to influence purchase decision is that of education (Anic, Rajh, & Rajh, 2014). It is often assumed that different educational levels will impact on decision as a result of differing levels of knowledge informing the choices. However, in the context of organic food there does not appear to be any singular purchase pattern identified. When assessing a potential impact of education, researchers have found both positive and negative correlations between the practice and education (Chinnici, D'Amico, & Pecorino, 2002; Wilkins & Hillers, 1994). Interestingly, the work of Jolly (1991) indicated that education had no influence, either positive or negative. Therefore, there is no general agreement regarding the resistance from education.
In a research report by MINTEL (2015) also indicates there are some differences in terms of national patterns which may indicate cultural differences, with different attitudes towards organic food and non-organic food evidenced though extensive consumer surveys. This assertion is supported by the work of McDonagh and Prothero (2005) who find attitudes towards food can differ by culture.
This indicates the need for further research to understand which influences may be impacting on the current patterns for organic food purchase. The research presented in this paper seeks to address these gaps and uncertainties, building in the research of theorists such as Chinnici et al. (2002) and Wilkins and Hillers (1994) to assess whether or not there is an influence from educational levels, as well as looking at the potential of different cultures, which McDonagh and Prothero (2005) indicate may be present
Conclusion
The research was undertaken on a limited basis, with a sample of 100 respondents in Germany and Italy, with the research results indicating that neither national culture, or education, appear to have any statistically significant impact on the purchase practices, or attitudes towards, organic food. However, the results did indicate some interesting patterns, as well as help highlight the way in which future research may be undertaken to increase knowledge further.
The initial findings appeared to indicate there are some differences between German and Italian consumers, as the results demonstrated there was a much higher level of confidence in general consumers regarding what the term organic actually meant, 90% stated they knew, compared to only 70% of Italians. This indicates potential differences within the marketplace, and indicates differences at the stages before a purchase of organic food is considered. For example, in the model presented by Yiridoe, Bonti-Ankomah and Martin (2005), presented in Figure 1 in the literature review, it is noted that external factors will have a specific impact on knowledge and awareness, including what is meant by organic, and the general concepts associated with it. With German consumers having a higher level of confidence regarding our knowledge of organic, it may be argued that there appear to be some external environmental differences. However, as seen in the literature review, Germany has a longer and more established tradition of organic farming, and is one of the world largest markets for organic food. Therefore, this difference may be explained as a result of the greater level of traditional organic food availability in that country.
Therefore, there did appear to be some initial findings that indicated there may be some national differences. There were also some apparent differences when looking at the attributes associated with organic food, with many more Italians (33.3%), believing organic food was not grown on a large scale compared to Germans (10%), while more Germans (40%) than Italians (13.3%) believed that organic food tasted better. With these results, it may have been expected that when analysing the different attitudes towards organic food and purchase practices, there would be some differences based on nationality, indicating the impact of the different cultures. However, the results were somewhat surprising. Even with some apparent differences between the two groups, utilising chi squared tests, it was demonstrated, with a 95% of probability, that there was no difference between the two groups, either in in terms of purchasing practices, or in terms of attitude towards organic food. Interestingly, if there had been some differences between these two groups, a further consideration may have been made regarding whether or not the differences were due to divergences with in the educational systems, and the way in which knowledge and education about food took place. However, as this did not her, the result indicates that national culture is not an influence, and therefore even if there were differences in the education system, they are not having an impact on purchases of, or attitudes towards, organic food.
The assessment of educational impact on organic food purchases as the more interesting element of the research, especially as this is the area where past research has indicated education may impact on food purchases, as seen with the work of (Anic et al., 2014). However, it is also an area where there has been past contradictory research of Chinnici et al. (2002) and Wilkins and Hillers (1994). In this case, the results were more aligned with those of Jolly (1991) who found that education does not have any impact on the purchase decision. The research presented in this paper goes further than just looking at the purchase decision, as it also indicates there is no impact on attitudes towards organic food correlated with education, either positive or negative.
' Overall, the results were relatively surprising given initial indications, but not completely unexpected given the alignment with some past research. However, in concluding there is no relationship between either national culture or education, there should also be consideration given to the sample utilised. The sample of 100 people was relatively constrained, and can be seen as somewhat biased. In both samples and overrepresentation of individuals with degree or higher than degree in education when comparing sample population with the general population for both countries. However, if there is a correlation between attitudes and purchases and education, with a spread of individuals across different educational levels, not only bachelor's degree, but also masters and PhD level, this should have been apparent even in this small sample. As this was not present, without any further research taking place, it must be concluded that there is no correlation, either positive or negative, between education levels and purchase practices and or attitudes. However, the findings may be utilised to provide some recommendations for both those seeking to influence purchases of organic food, for example marketers, as well as recommendations for future research.
Recommendations
While the findings appear to indicate negative, demonstrating that national culture, or education, do not have an impact on purchases or attitudes towards organic food, this does not mean the results themselves are negative. If there are no differences in terms of attitudes and purchase practices across the nations, this may provide useful information to marketers and those promoting organic food, such as nonprofitmaking organisations. If different attitudes do not already exist, then any campaigns which are developed require only moderate levels of localisation to account for other differences in terms of communication preferences, such as language and general cultural differences (Taylor, 2010). This may help to reduce costs and complexities, and increase the potential viability for Europe wide marketing or promotional campaigns to support positive attitudes towards, and the sale of, organic food. With aligned attitudes, marketing messages may remain the same, even if the communication vehicles differ.
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