Peruvian Literature/History
Peru, one of the biggest countries of Latin America, still remains to be one of the poorest in the region. Prolonged poverty, inability of government to solve urgent problems in economics, land owning and determine with the status of international monopolies that control mining, brought to social, political and public crisis in 1980's. But the premises for such social disaster seem to originate long before the time of civil war and mutual resistance of different political sects, terrorist organization of "Sendero Luminoso" and simple public unrest against the chaos that reigned in the country.
If to look on the history of Latin America, we will find out that Latin American countries gained independence some 40 years later than the U.S.A. did, but the results of state construction, introduction of universal social and democratic values were less than satisfactory nearly during a 150-year period. The aristocracy and land owners who represented upper class in most of Latin American countries nearly had never gone to find a compromise with common people in social, political and what is the most important in economical questions that would direct the course of the country. Such "selfish" and "one-sided" politics resulted in distrust to the national governments and nearly always resulted in chaotic revolutions. But again to describe the nature and the results of these revolutions we should use the famous quote "revolutions are organized by romantics, are done by fanatics and are used by rogues." This saying is the most appropriate for the revolutionary movements and the outcomes of the revolutions in the countries of Latin America. Nearly none of them had brought the desired results to common people. It's enough to remember Columbia, controlled by different military organizations, where the power of government means nothing and where 95% of population wants to immigrate. The case of Peru is not an exception in these sad pages of Latin America history. In order to understand the nature and the essence of revolutionary movement and struggle decent life conditions in Latin America it's enough to read the novel of Gabriel Garcia Marquez "100 years of solitude," which gives the full encyclopedia of society's life during centuries, its customs, social values and norms. Like Marquez writes: "for common people revolution had become the state of the soul, as they already fought what they are fighting for and whom they fight against."
The social unrest of 1980's in Peru is the best proof of it. There are lots of reasons for that. In no any other country of Latin America, physical geography had influenced so much on economical geography, dividing the country into three different zones: Pacific coast line- the most industrially developed region of the country, with the majority of country's population; valleys and highlands of Ands with developed agriculture for internal needs and mining industry and unpopulated tropical regions of Selva, which started developing only after the oil was discovered. The diversity also exists in ethnic structure of the country: the coastal line is inhabited by descendents of different waves of immigrants: from Hispanics and other Europeans to those whose origins are from China, Japan and other countries of Eastern Asia. Inner regions of Ands are populated mostly by native Indians, who began assimilation with the rest of population and started to accept modern culture only in last decades. Ethnic diversity correlates with social diversity as well: the higher is the status of a person, the whiter is his skin and the more European face he has. Inequality in distribution of incomes, high poverty level make ethnic and regional differences to be more vivid and sharper, making Peru of the most diverse society of Latin America. By the words of Mario Vargas Llosa: "white and cholo are the terms that not only point of man's racial and ethnical heritage, but determine his social and economical status as well." Complicated social and ethnic social identifications and penetration of certain ethnical interests into economics was forming during centuries. Up to the middle of the twenties century social relations in Peru had hierarchal and estate nature: both in agriculture and industrial sector, which included mining controlled by foreign business. Government was submitted to the interests of oligarchy; political parties nearly had no real power and could not influence on the processes that occurred in the country.
The first unique political organization which really represented progressive ideas and reflected different moods of common people of Peru was American people's revolutionary alliance, organized in 1924- a populist party that demanded the widening of political representation for common people, represented by different social groups of workers, farmers, Indians and middle class. Its purpose was the foundation of "anti-imperialist state" of Peru, where the integral components in constructing a new society were the liberation from external economical dependence and liberation from oligarchy. But the program of APRAism was flexible and failed to destroy the political dominance of oligarchy, as the result it became a loyal party in 1950 ies and began to lose its supporters from different classes.
Democratization of social relations in Peru starts only in 1950's as the result of the processes of rapid capitalist modernization. Industrialization brings the growth of workers number in urban areas, to the appearance of new industrial enterprises groups and to the growth of the middle class. Industrialization and the crisis in agricultural sector of economics caused massive migration of rural population to the cities. Migration to the cities was also a passive protest, a new expression of world view and expression of hopes for better life. City was considered to be a synonym of modernity, space, free from tradition prejudices and social conservatism. Social progress touched even the most conservative and orthodox institutes: Catholic Church and army. These changes occurred in a relatively short period of time and caused considerable changes in life of society. First of all the borders of society had expanded, as new political organizations, enterprise unions and unions of workers appear in 50-60ies, which meant the appearance of first elements of civil society, contrary to logics of oligarchic state.
It sounds ironically, but the "grave-digger" of oligarchic state appeared to be Peruvian military dictatorship. During the twelve years of military regime of general V. Alvarado, a lot of progressive changes where made, that put it apart from the existing military dictatorships of Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay, which were predominantly right-authoritarian. Alvarado saw the guilt of country's poverty in total dependence from foreign capital and dominance of oligarchic circles in government. Starting from early 70 ies he opens the program of social-economical reforms based on redistribution of property: radical land reform abolished land-owning estates, banks and mining industry were nationalized, and mandatory participation of workers in industrial management on enterprises was introduced as well. Repressions did not have a massive character, but the activity of official political parties was forbidden and media wa controlled by state as well. Military dictatorship of Alvarado proclaimed a third choice between capitalism and communism.
Not surprising that military hunta was not ready for such changes and was not able to continue started course of reforms, as it would contradict their initial interests and financial interests of supporting aristocracy. Moreover government faced a lot of negative outcomes of the reforming policy typical for redistribution of economics: ineffective work of state sector enterprises, deficit in first-need products, decapitalization of private enterprises and reducing investments in economics on the hand with growing corruption in executive power on all levels. On the hand the situation changed on the world arena: oil crisis of 1973 also impacted Peruvian economics and shortened the opportunities for social reforms. In 1976 new military government refused from the further course of reforms, abolished guaranteed employment in state sector and started to realize the program of economical stabilization approved by International Monetary fund. Two years later after massive strikes and unrest caused by unsatisfactory economical situation, military government gave the power into the hands of civil government.
The failure of military dictatorship was a progressive event in the history of Peruvian society and in the history of democratization of Peru. As the result, on the democratic election of 1980, 45% voted for the leader of democratic party People's action F. Belaunde.
Economical situation changed again. The previous model that was oriented on substitution of import by the development of national industry and state control was exhausted and outdated. The main problem that new government faced was restucturization of economics: the central plan of it - privatization of state economics had failed, the deficit of budget was growing, inflation grew from 60% (which were modest for Latin America of that time) up to 125% in 1983 and 170% in 1985. Real salary was reduced nearly on 45% and the rate of unemployment grew up to 11% in 1985.
The elections of 1985 seemed to return Peru into the course of economical stability and trust from the side of its people. New president, leader of APRA A. Garcia started the new course of reforms that included state control over currency exchange, control over investments and the growth of state investment into economics. First, these practices stimulated the growth of economics: GDP grew on 16%, inflation rate was reduced nearly twice, but still temporary economic growth was changed by new crisis. Growing incomes caused the growing demand in imported goods, while the income from country's export reduced, which caused inflation and later hyperinflation (up to 2500% in 1988). Moreover international monetary fund proclaimed Peru to be "undesirable debtor" which cut country from foreign credits. As the result, starting from 1988 government lost the control over economics.
Failure of political reforms of democratic governments had tragic outcomes: as the society was turned into a prolonged economical and social crisis, income in 1980 ies was nearly equal to the income of 1960's. People were lost in changes of governments, political ideologies and courses of government. They lost either the trust to democratic powers or to conservatives. As a result Peruvians start referring to the most radical political movements and ideologies of revolutionary Marxism. "United left," the union of political parties, got a victory on the elections to municipalities, but still they could not change the situation in the country and only boosted the growth of political contradictions with official government.
The brightest example of social crisis in Peru was the appearance of a new power on political arena: left-radical terrorist organization "Sendero Luminoso" organized by doctor of philosophy E. Guzman "or chief Gonzalo." Popular among Peruvian students, "Sendero Luminoso" was considered to be the only political organization that kept to the official line of Maoism. Its success was explained by growing literacy level in the country, spread of higher education and it's availability for common people, switching Peru from the 14th place to the 4th in Latin America
Progressive Peruvian literature did not stand apart from the political and social changes of the country. Modern writers as Mario Vargas Llosa, Julio Ramon Riberyo, Jose Maria Arguedas, Alfredo Bryce Echenique and Miguel Gutierrez reflect the dynamics of social changes, vices and crisis of out-dated relations and toucherd the most important moral and ethical problems of modernity. Their works got international acknowldgement and are considered to be among the most popular realist novels of the twentieth century.
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