Southwestern Border Combating Drug Trade

Combating Drug Trade Along the Southwestern Border

Proposed Strategy for Combating the Drug Trade along the Southwestern Border

The issue of drug trafficking and smuggling has been a serious concern for both Mexico and the United States for decades. Mexico has been identified as the primary supplier of narcotics to the U.S., with the Southwestern border accounting for between 90 and 95% of all illicit drugs smuggled illegally into the U.S. market. In 2007, the presidents of the two countries held a summit, where they pledged to work together, collaboratively in the fight against drug trafficking. Today, substance use accounts for approximately 26% of crimes committed in the U.S. Both the U.S. and the Mexican governments recognize the security threat posed by illicit drug use, and have committed themselves to addressing the problem once and for all. The two countries have implemented numerous initiatives geared at curbing the growth of the drug trade. In the U.S. for instance, the DOJ has implemented a variety of initiatives that range from extraditing kingpins to treating addicts, training law-enforcement officers, conducting anti-drug campaigns, conducting prevention and treatment research, developing drug courts, and investing in drug-interdiction technologies. Mexico too has implemented its own share of strategies, most of which are focused on collaboration and information-sharing with U.S. agencies. Most of the initiatives implemented by both countries have, however, focused on intercepting drugs and drug proceeds, with only very few focusing on destroying the market for these illicit substances. This proposal provides the stepping stone for a project seeking to inhibit the growth of the drug trade by developing strong and resilient border communities that promote healthy lifestyles and resist criminal activities.

Summary

Bilateral cooperation between Mexico and the United States has become one of the most significant hallmarks of inter-American relations (Dell, 2012). In 2007, the presidents of the two countries organized a summit to devise ways of addressing matters of mutual concern important to both governments. In that summit, the issue of drug consumption and drug trafficking was identified as one of the most pressing concerns facing both countries (Murataya & Gonzales, 2011; Dell, 2012). Across the globe, nations have formed alliances geared at addressing issues of drug trafficking and consumption (Dell, 2012). Owing to the complexity of the illegal drug market, it is prudent that afflicted countries collaborate to develop effective campaigns and strategies to fight the consumption and trafficking of narcotics. The U.S.-Mexico summit held in 2007 symbolizes that both countries understand the negative effects of narcotics, Mexico as a principal transporter and supplier, and the U.S. as a core consumer. There are a number of lessons that one could learn from the cooperative anti-narcotics efforts between these two countries and many other countries across the globe. The first of these lessons is that the narcotics market has boomed at the cost of billions of dollars and many lost lives. Moreover, cooperative counternarcotics efforts are key if the world is to put up an effective fight against illegal drugs. Based on these lessons, this text develops a counternarcotics program, with promising strategies and initiatives that could be used to combat the flow of drugs along the southwestern border. It begins with a brief description of how illegal drug activities along the border with Mexico affect the economies and general populations of both countries. It also reviews what other researchers have said about the issue, particularly about the nature of the trade, and initiatives that have previously been implemented to curb the same. Finally, it presents the objectives of the proposed program, its strategies and initiatives, what it intends to achieve, and the financial requirements that would facilitate its effective implementation.

Problem Statement

Drug-related violence has increased dramatically in both Mexico and the United States since 2007 (Dell, 2012). In Mexico, over 50, 000 lives were lost as a result of drug-related violence between 2007 and 2010 (Dell, 2012). The case is no different in the United States, with the Federal Bureau of Investigations reporting in 2007 that approximately 3.9% of homicides in which circumstances are known are usually drug-related (BJS, 2015). In a 2007 National Crime Victimization Survey, 26% of crime victims interviewed revealed that the offender was using illegal drugs (BJS, 2015). Moreover, it was revealed that over 41% of crimes committed against college students and 38% of those committed against the rest of the population are committed by offenders using illegal drugs (BJS, 2015). About a quarter of all robberies in the U.S. and 2 of every 5 sexual assault cases are committed by offenders perceived to be using illegal drugs (BJS, 2015). Moreover, 35% of workplace violence cases are perpetrated by offenders using illicit drugs (BJS, 2015). These statistics point to illegal drug use as a serious social concern in both Mexico and the United States.

It has since emerged that Mexico is the largest supplier of drugs to the U.S. illicit drug market (Dell, 2012). The United Nations estimates that Mexican drug traffickers earn about $25 billion annually from drug trafficking activities in the U.S. market (Dell, 2012). Mexico-based transnational criminal organizations continue to expand their illegal activities and to dominate the illegal drugs supply chain throughout the United States (Dell, 2012). According to the White House, between 90 and 95% of cocaine entering the United States market passes through the Southwestern border (the border with Mexico) (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). The White House report also shows the border to be notorious for the smuggling of illegal weapons and drug-related bulk currency from the United States to Mexico (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). These smuggling activities pose a security threat to both countries, and have a hand in fueling the violence in the interior of Mexico, as well as along the Southwest border (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013).

Multiple initiatives have already been implemented to deal with the illegal activities occurring along the Southwestern border (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) has established eleven domestic centers along the border, which work collaboratively with the El Paso Intelligence Center to address drug-related matters at the border through information and intelligence sharing (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). Recent years have, however, seen both countries reduce their domestic efforts and engage in bilateral partnerships geared at confronting the organizations that profit from illegal drug trade along the border (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). Most of the ongoing counternarcotics efforts are based on the concepts of mutual trust and shared responsibility (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). U.S. law enforcement officers share intelligence and information with their Mexican counterparts, and engage in collaborative training as a way of reducing the illegal activities taking place at the border (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013). Most of their efforts have been focused on stemming the flow of illicit proceeds and weapons, disrupting drug trafficking organizations notorious along the border, and interdicting drugs and other illegal substances that attempt to make their way across the border.

Very few initiatives have focused on destroying the market to which these illegal substances are supplied. The proposed program provides a plan on how Mexican and U.S. law enforcement agencies can work together to destroy this market for illegal substances by developing resilient border communities that promote healthy lifestyles and resist criminal activities.

Literature Review

This literature review comprises of two distinct sections. The first section reviews literature touching on the nature and characteristics of Mexican drug trafficking groups, including their organizational structure, their activities and modes of operation, and their power to corrupt. Understanding what other researchers have said about the features and operation of such groups is crucial in developing effective strategies for curbing their growth and operation along the Southwestern border.

The second section reviews literature touching on the specific initiatives implemented by both Mexico and the United States to combat illegal smuggling activities along the border.

Nature and Characteristics of Mexican Drug Trafficking Groups

Illicit Activities: A 2001 report by the United Nations (UN) showed that Mexican drug-trafficking groups, unlike other organized crime groups in the U.S. and across the world, are focused exclusively on the drug market (UN, 2001). These groups are not diversified in terms of other illegal activities, and as such, any activity they engage in is usually geared at furthering their trafficking business (UN, 2001). The UN report compares the illicit activities of several groups, including Mexican drug organizations, Asian groups, Russians, and Cosa Nostra (UN, 2001). It concludes that only Mexican drug groups, of all those examined, restrict themselves to drug trafficking as their principal trade (UN, 2001). The activities of all other drug groups are opportunity --driven; that is, "members engage in whatever opportune illicit venture exists at a given time and place" (UN, 2001, p. 5). This argument is supported by Kelly and his colleagues (1994), who conducted an analysis of various Asian street gangs in California including the Four Seas, the Bamboo United and Wah Ching. The researchers found that Asian organized crime groups often engage in a plethora of illicit activities including software piracy, bank robberies, extortion, human trafficking, vehicle theft, money laundering, insurance scams, kidnappings, and drug trafficking, to mention but a few (Kelly, Chin & Schatzberg, 1994). Drug trafficking and manufacturing are not the principal trade of these groups.

Organizational Structure: Researchers contend that Mexican drug-trafficking groups usually carry out their craft with professionalism and proven ability (Dell, 2012; Fuentes & Kelly, 1993). Kienholz (2008) identifies the most prominent groups in northern Mexico as the Juarez Cartel, the Amexcua-Contreras, the Caro-Quinterero, and the Arellano-Felix brothers. According to the author, a group often contains 200 or more members in the main base in Mexico, with hundreds of other members scattered throughout the group's network (Kienholz, 2008). These groups will often operate independently from each other, but will usually form loose partnerships locally referred to as 'federations' to increase their strength and control (Kienholz, 2008). They often exhibit well-structured organization networks and command systems, with centralized decision-making processes, and integrated work roles (Kienholz, 2008).

Traditionally, the groups operated along the West Coast (Kienholz, 2008). Over the years, however, they have been able to penetrate major U.S. cities in the mid-west and both coasts (Kienholz, 2008). According to the author, traffickers usually transport their shipments to destined cities across the U.S. and then turn the same over to entrenched Colombian and Dominican distribution networks (Kienholz, 2008). As bulk as they are, these shipments often elude law-enforcement officials, particularly because transfers are usually well-calculated and professionally choreographed to evade detection (Kienholz, 2008). According to the United Nations, transfers are often as uncomplicated "as the switching of drivers between two vehicles, one containing drugs, and the other containing money" (UN, 2001, p. 5). Moreover, as Campbell (2010) points out, traffickers are able to remain discreet by blending into one of the major ethic communities in the area and disguising themselves as traders in day-to-day commerce. They will often form partnerships with legitimate transporters of cargo, usually using these partnerships to conceal their goods with legal goods on transit (Matthew, 2011). Moreover, such groups are technologically-advanced, often communicating with their superiors through encrypted messages received via pager, computer, fax or phone (UN, 2001).

Power to corrupt: Researchers contend that corruption on both the Mexican and U.S. sides of the border has facilitated the growth of Mexican drug trafficking groups in the U. S (Dell, 2012; Murataya, 2011; Matthew, 2011). These groups rely on their enormous wealth to corrupt law enforcement officials and influence them with money (Morris, 2013; Dell, 2012). According to the United Nations, drug corruption is systemic on the Mexican side of the border, and opportunistic on the American side (UN, 2001). The UN report makes reference to numerous cases where American agents have succumbed to bribes to ignore particular trucks or cars (UN, 2001). Others have taken bribes in exchange for participating indirectly in the drug market by disclosing intelligence information, using their positions to transport drugs via checkpoints, or waving drug-laden vehicles through checkpoints (Courtney, 2013). According to the United Nations, the level of corruption is higher at the border than in the inland zones because the risk of interdiction is lower once one has successfully entered the U.S. (UN, 2001).

Violence: Drug-trafficking groups are known to operate with disregard for law and life in their territories (UN, 2001; Kelly et al., 1994). According to the UN, Mexican drug groups will often use violence to compete for markets/territories, settle disputes with other organized crime groups, or remove officials who pose as threats to their business (UN, 2001). A perfect example is the killing of Tijuana's police chief in 2000 by suspected drug cartel members, just days after President Ernesto Zedillo visited the city and declared a war on drug trafficking and its associated violence (UN, 2001). Another commonly-cited example is the 2001 massacre of 12 men and boys in a small village in Sinaloa in what was believed to be a fight over territory between two drug gangs (UN, 2001). The UN reports that the State of Sinaloa harbors over 200 drug gangs, and over 150 murders had been reported in the three months preceding the killing of the 12, with most of these murders being mob-style assassinations (UN, 2001).

Initiatives to Combat Drug Trafficking

Steps taken by the U.S.: The U.S.' response to the issue of drug trafficking involves collaborative efforts among the departments of Transportation, Treasury, State, Defense, and Justice and multiple other agencies of government (UN, 2001). The efforts have focused on the areas of counterdrug support, prosecutions, immigration and drug enforcement, anti-money laundering, drug interdiction, and counternarcotics cooperation with Mexico (UN, 2001). Through the National Drug Control Budget, the U.S. makes budgetary allocations to fund a variety of counternarcotics programs that range from extraditing kingpins to treating addicts, training law-enforcement officers, conducting anti-drug campaigns, conducting prevention and treatment research, developing drug courts, and investing in drug-interdiction technologies (UN, 2001). The departments involved have recorded successes as a result of these initiatives -- the Customs Department, for instance, routinely intercepts large quantities of illegal drugs during its operations (UN, 2001). In February 2001, the Department intercepted 9000 pounds of marijuana concealed in a truck ferrying papayas (UN, 2001).

Besides intercepting drugs and drug proceeds, the U.S. government also encourages the formation of alliances between various segments of society as a way of eradicating the market for illicit drugs (UN, 2001). Some of these alliances involve departments working with other departments to eradicate sources and markets for drugs, and schools working with law-enforcement agencies to educate children on the harms of using narcotics (Moore & Kleiman, 1989).

Another significant initiative undertaken by the U.S. government is the highway drug interdiction program (Guerra, 1992). In this case trained highway patrol officers and state troopers inspect and intercept shipments of drugs on highways (UN, 2001). This initiative has, however, come under serious criticism from civil society groups that condemn law-enforcement agencies for unfairly targeting minorities in their inspections (Engel & Johnson, 2006). In their study, Engel and Johnson (2006) showed that a black motorist was 1.7 to 5.4 times more likely to be stopped for a drug search compared to their white counterpart. Moreover, a Hispanic driver was 1.8 to 9.6 times more likely to be searched by patrol agencies compared to a white driver (Engel & Johnson, 2006). The author posits that if the initiative is to be effective in realizing its intended objectives, stakeholders will need to take caution to ensure that it does not result in racial profiling (Engel & Johnson, 2006).

Steps Taken by Mexico: Mexico and the U.S. have developed a strong partnership in the fight against illicit drugs (UN, 2001). This partnership has helped to realize significant successes in the fight. In 2000, for instance, collaborative efforts between the U.S. Coast Guard and the Mexican Navy resulted in the interception of 2.25 tons of cocaine from a boat along the coast of Mexico (UN, 2001). Moreover, the Mexican government has provided extensive support to U.S. law-enforcement officers in crucial counternarcotics operations such as Operation Impunity (UN, 2001). Operation Impunity targeted the powerful Carrillo-Fuentes drug group based in Juarez City (Beith, 2010). Mexican officials, working together with the FBI, were able to carry out a comprehensive investigation on the group's operations, and to consequently indict the group's leader, Vicente Carrillo-Fuentes (Beith, 2010).

Additionally, the Mexican government has committed to fight against corruption and bribery by drug organizations (UN, 2001). The government has put in place the Interdepartmental Commission for Transparency and the Fight against Corruption Taskforce, which meets regularly to discuss problems associated with corruption within various arms of government, and to devise solutions for eliminating corrupt practices among government officials (UN, 2001).

Gaps in Literature

A lot has been said about Mexican drug groups, and the initiatives undertaken by both Mexico and the United States to combat the issue of drug trafficking. Evidently, however, most researchers have focused on what has, and needs to be done to deal with the issue of drug trafficking from a general perspective. Very little literature exists on the specific strategies and initiatives that have, and need to be taken to reduce the problem at the Southwestern border specifically. The few studies that have delved into this area have focused on programs and initiatives that have been used to intercept drugs and drug proceeds making their way into either country across the border. There is almost no literature focusing on the aspect of demand-reduction along the Southwestern border. The proposed program develops a plan that could be used to destroy the demand for illicit substances by developing strong border communities that resist criminal organizations and value the culture of lawfulness.

Objectives

Strategic Objective

The primary objective of the proposed program is to reduce demand for illicit substances by developing resilient border communities that promote healthy lifestyles and resist criminal activities.

Specific Objectives

To develop resilient and strong border communities that resist criminal groups and value the culture of lawfulness

If border communities are able to resist the criminal doings of gangs and traffickers operating amongst them, such gangs are likely to derive less profitability from operating there.

To develop culturally-appropriate and evidence-based treatment and prevention strategies

Research needs to be conducted to understand the specific needs and cultures of border communities. Strategies should then be developed in line with these needs and cultural values.

To integrate substance use disorder services into mainstream medicine

Using technology to support the treatment of disorders related to substance abuse could go a long way in increasing reach to border communities, which are often underserved and largely impoverished (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2013).

Procedures

This section covers the specific strategies that could be used to realize each of the aforementioned objectives.

To develop resilient and strong border communities that resist criminal groups and value the culture of lawfulness

A number of strategies could be employed to help in realizing this objective. The first of these strategies is to educate border communities on the dangers of drug trafficking, gang violence, gang participation and substance use. Law-enforcement officers also need to organize conferences and training facilities for youth at the border to educate them on current trends in drug trafficking such as the use of juveniles because they attract a less severe punishment (UN, 2001). In order for this to occur, however, there needs to be a favorable climate between police and border communities -- for the proposed program, the researcher will conduct research to determine the kind of relationship that currently exists between the two factions, identify reasons for poor relations (if any), and find out from both the police and local communities, what needs to be done to strengthen information-sharing and the relationship in general.