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Neo-fundamentalism's pan-Islamic ideology has a profound appeal only for such displaced Muslim ethnic groups, as is also evidenced in Palestinian radical mobilization in such groups as Hamas.
But for Algerian Muslims living happily in Algiers, in comparison, this is not often the case. In fact, the author points to the behavior of the Algerians during their last election, noting that many nationals were openly calling for greater democratization in the street. They did not see this as incompatible with an Islamic state, necessarily, because they were more secure in their fused national and Islamic identity, and did not need neo-fundamentalist Islam to be the main source of their status and identity. The more secure, nationalistic, and unified the Islamic populace, the less appeal neo-fundamentalism's pan-Islamic ideology has, while "deterritorialism" has produced the transformation of Islamic conservatism into terrorist, radical Islam united across borders, as migrant and alienated Islamic ethnicities strive for some coherent voice and identity. (2) Oliver Roy even goes so far as to call such political movements "post-Islamism" for often the political needs of the groups are subsumed to the religious expressions of Islam. Roy calls the old ideology of fused interests in the name of Islam a "myth," but sees the current neo-fundamentalist ideology as no less mythic in the way that it denies...
He states that "it makes no sense to hope that Muslim societies undergo the same secularization as the West," because the "everyday relation between religion and politics" is fundamentally different than even existed during the secular processes of the West. (6) the most secular states with a large Muslim population, such as Tunisia, pre-war Iraq, Turkey, and Bosnia within the context of the former Yugoslavia were not the most liberal, but often the most politically stifling, promoting not democracy but subservience to a dominant but secular leader. One of the first things such leaders often did was to ban political pronouncements by religious leaders. To deflate the pull of militant Islam, which the author regards as a chimera for both Islamic peoples as well as a danger to the West, Palestinians and other displaced groups must have national security, racism against minority Muslims must be contained in Western contexts, and national borders must be respected. This will give rise to states that do not necessarily resemble our own, but can live more tolerably with the currently existing network of democratic nation states within the…
Uvin and McFaul make sound arguments using political comparison as the key to their studies. Uvin uses evidence of all aspect of political life in his three case study countries, such as elections, the population, and the role of the military. He then takes his case studies, compares them, and finds the pattern that links them all to each other. Once the pattern is identified, he illustrates how this pattern can be looked at in much
Politics Although it is not perfect, the presidential system of government, as typified by the United States (U.S.) is the best system of government ever conceived. By creating a system where the public can remove administrations, without changing the legal basis for government, democracy aims at reducing political uncertainty and instability, and assuring citizens that however much they may disagree with present policies, they will be given a regular chance
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From the perspective offered by such a theoretical background, further research is easier to achieve, without having to redo the research with data already available. Another advantage for using typologies is the fact that they are a useful background for analysis not in the sense of being used as tools, as mentioned before, but as actual sources of practical information. For instance, the term democracy is used by Plato in
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