Paper Example Undergraduate 1,291 words

Prince the War in Iraq

Last reviewed: December 10, 2006 ~7 min read

¶ … Prince

The war in Iraq has fueled and fanned flames of anti-Americanism throughout the world. The media has captured images of Middle Easterners burning the U.S. flag, decrying American imperialism and spouting rhetoric of abject ideological hatred for America and its allies. Much anti-Americanism stems from a fundamental resentment of American cultural hegemony, economic might, and political clout in international affairs. Most of anti-Americanism is directed at the military, second largest in the world in terms of manpower and the largest in the world in terms of budgetary spending. America might not always be liked, but it is not necessarily despised in the Machiavellian sense. America has been able to retain Machiavellian-style leadership on the world's stage. Although American voting turnout is apathetic, citizens generally view the government as a Machiavellian prince: the President is both loved and feared. When Machiavelli advises political leaders to cultivate a cunning combination of love and fearsomeness, he does so in terms of domestic stability. In terms of international affairs, Machiavelli encourages strong military spending because the Prince "will always have good friends if he has good troops," (p. 48). Military might translates into economic and political clout and military might minimizes dependency. Therefore, military might remains the most important feature of a strong nation in spite of the declining importance of the nation-state in the modern world.

In The Prince, Machiavelli states outright that "among the other bad effects it causes, being disarmed makes you despised," (p. 38). Its converse is also true: being armed makes you revered. For instance, numerous unarmed nations, including Iceland, have enjoyed the protection of the American military. The United States also pledges support for nations with weak militaries. American military bases throughout the world allow countries from South Korea to Germany to count the United States as a "friend" and thus create a cadre of diplomatic support. For Machiavellian purposes, the United States is well-liked, even loved, by many. No amount of anti-American rhetoric can compete with the fact that the United States is loved in spite of its faults. With McDonalds and Starbucks, MTV and Hollywood movies, America has won scores of admirers around the world.

The Machiavellian prince "must strive to make everyone recognize in his actions greatness, spirit, dignity, and strength," (p. 48). Though American dignity has suffered in recent years, its spirit and strength have not. Through the dissemination of material and cultural artifacts, the United States has maintained its reputation as both a military and economic superpower. America may be hated, despised by some but it more a model of Machiavellian statehood than any other. Even if anti-Americanism is taken into account, Machiavelli notes that "It is much safer to be feared than loved when one of the two must be lacking," (p. 44). No amount of bravado can mask the fact that America is feared for its military might.

Most of the world's defenseless nations are sunny tourist destinations, including Costa Rica and several islands in the South Pacific and the Caribbean. While these nations cannot reasonably be despised, they are nevertheless impotent. None of these nations have clout in the United Nations. They could not hope to single-handedly influence the affairs of international organizations like the World Bank, but nations like the United States, Great Britain, and China can. Nations without militaries are not necessarily despised as Machiavelli suggests, but they are indebted to the powerful nations that defend them in times of need. Furthermore, Machiavelli points out that the prince "cannot and should not keep his word when such an observance of faith would be to his disadvantage and when the reasons which made him promise are removed," (p. 46). In other words, unarmed nations who depend on the protection of countries like the United States risk being deceived or defrauded. Their dependence makes them weak, and in that sense defenseless nations are despised for their inability to become major players on the world's stage. They might make good holiday spots but they do not make good political partners.

Because almost all of the countries that do not maintain a military have treaties with nations that do, few nations can be classified as being truly demilitarized. The nations with explicit pacifist clauses in their constitutions like Costa Rica would be unable to withstand invasion from a hostile nation and are therefore useless in terms of political coalitions. Although not despised per se, nations like Costa Rica would simply be obliterated at the hands of an aggressor.

No nation with meaningful economic or political assets has ever been unarmed. Like Machiavelli points out, wise leaders study the great societies of the past and model their states after them to ensure stability. Even nations with small populations and a reputation for non-interference like Canada have relatively strong militaries. Just as any wealthy person would want an alarm to protect the home, any wealthy nation would want a military at least for defense purposes. The most influential nations on earth are those with the strongest militaries: the United States, China, and Great Britain. If these nations are feared more than they are loved, they are still successful because "when the prince is with his armies and has under his command a multitude of troops, then it is absolutely necessary that he not worry about being considered cruel," (p. 44). Fearsomeness is more important than kindness in the world of international affairs.

A wise Machiavellian leader intentionally cultivates fear for several reasons. First, fearsomeness prevents hostile invasions; nations with strong militaries are less likely to be targets of direct foreign aggression than nations with weak militaries. Second, fearsomeness encourages political and economic alliances. Nations don't befriend each other because they like each other; they befriend each other because of mutual benefit. Third, fearsomeness engenders respect. Nations like China and Israel might not be well-liked around the world but they are respected because of their military might. Military power confers diplomatic, economic, and political advantages because strong armed forces can be used as leverage and as clout.

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PaperDue. (2006). Prince the War in Iraq. PaperDue. https://www.paperdue.com/essay/prince-the-war-in-iraq-41042

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