Psychology Affect on Domestic Violence on Children

¶ … psychological research there a thousands of pressing questions, yet among all those questions one rises to the top of the list. In the area of family psychology and family therapy the question of the psychological affects of domestic violence on children has been hotly debated and eternally researched, yet many questions remain unanswered. These questions are pressing as the institution of family in our culture evolves and emerges as an entirely different social dynamic than existed even twenty years ago. The psychological effects of violence, in the family upon children are vast and will probably always need further address.

Many families garner a different definition as more and more family units are head primarily by one parent and many families combine to become families consisting of several members who are related only by law, rather than by genetics. These trends began many years ago but continue to change the face of the American family today and will no doubt continue to do so in the near and far future. In this proposed study the issues of the psychological effects of domestic violence upon children will be addressed through diligent research.

The problem has been clearly assessed for at least the last ten years and possibly longer as more and more information about developmental psychology leads to clearer and clearer indications of causation between parental behavior and children's behavior.

Physical marital violence, operationalized as physical assault' on an intimate partner's body, is very prevalent among families in the United States, with up to 50% of married couples experiencing spousal violence at some point during the course of their marriages (Straus & Gelles, 1990; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980). (Jouriles, Norwood, McDonald, Vincent & Mahoney, 1996, p. 223)

The statistics of violence within marriages are startling. Fifty percent of all marital couples at some time develop and elicit violent behaviors within the confines of their home. Within many of those homes there are vulnerable children, often times present and at least in some degree aware of the violence.

The reasons for the escalation of violence within marriages are many and often associated with poorly met expectations and lack of personal control over the circumstances of one's life. One interesting and frustrating universal is that many parents make poor psychological attempts to reassert personal control by violently controlling those in their lives who have far less control, children, a spouse or an elder parent and violence leads to violence. "Even if genes and/or brain injuries were operational here, it would be difficult to dismiss the strong environmental evidence. Violence leads to more violence. The attack induces the counterattack. " (Terr, 1990, p. 62)

The correlation between the behavior of children and the behavior of parents can clearly be seen as modeling. Children are being taught that they can assume control over their lives by perpetrating violence against even weaker members of their society, be they younger or weaker children in or out of the family, family pets, or even inanimate objects.

Relationships between physical marital violence and children's behavior problems have been investigated with some vigor over the past decade, and empirical evidence clearly indicates that children growing up in families marked by such violence are at increased risk for clinical levels of behavior problems (Jaffe, Sudermann, & Reitzel, 1992; McDonald & Jouriles, 1991). (Jouriles, Norwood, McDonald, Vincent & Mahoney, 1996, p. 223)

The numbers of studies that correlate the behavior of children with the behavior of parents are in numbers almost larger than can be counted. The studies are clear and the focus is parental teaching and training.

Clearly the case for parental intervention and parental education is vast yet, it can also be said that in a culture that values and often mandates biological parent centered care over any other, almost regardless of the internal problems in the family the conflict is clear.

Gorman-Smith et al.'s results suggest that it is useful to distinguish between family relationship characteristics (cohesion) and parenting practices (discipline practices and monitoring). These findings have direct clinical implications. They suggest that interventions that work exclusively in the parenting realm would be inadequate for treating the most serious types of adolescent conduct problems. Others, too, have made similar conclusions (cf. Bank, Marlowe, Reid, Patterson, & Weinrott, 1991; Griest & Forehand, 1982). Gorman- Smith et al. (1996) conclude that "It is not enough simply to change parents' techniques regarding discipline practices or monitoring; rather, the emotional closeness experienced within the family, as evidenced by good support, organization, and communication, may be critical to effect change in behavior (p. 126). (Dakof, 1996, p. 143)

There are parents who's skills for parenting are lacking at any given time and there are many angry parents who lack the coping mechanisms to understand the impact they have upon their children. Though intervention in this area is obviously needed it can also be argued that a partnership between parental intervention and helping the children at risk develop skills for coping with the circumstances of their lives may also help. The interest of this study will be associated with outcomes. Primarily the outcomes of successful children will be addressed. Those children who report issues of domestic violence in the home and yet overcome the obstacles and exhibit successful coping and successful psychological development in their young life and in their adult life will be the subjects of this study.

In a psychological study associating family discord, violence and stress a clear definition of the connection is made between violent childhood behavior and the level of violence and discord seen in the home.

By now, it is well established that marital discord (e.g., Emery, 1982) and violence (e.g., Emery, 1989) are linked with behavioral and emotional problems in children. The next step is to trace the etiology and understand the mechanisms behind this association, and to specify the precise nature and characteristics of the response patterns that are affected." (Cummings & El-sheikh, 1991, p. 135)

There is a clear connection between economic stressors in families and violence both among children and adults.

That last, money, may indeed be the root of all evil -- but there is no doubting that it also reduces poverty and, thus, in many instances the need to commit some violent act to get it. Money also makes people comfortable, usually happy. And just knowing that money and success are attainable is encouraging to someone who might otherwise lose all hope and resort to criminal activity, even violence, to obtain what most of us want.

(Langone, 1984, p. 188)

Yet, it is also clear that a connection between family dynamics and parental violence crosses socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds.

Using data from a longitudinal investigation of the development of delinquent and violent behavior, this study directly examines key aspects of the social ecology of economically disadvantaged, inner-city, minority, male violent offenders: family relations and parenting practices. Moreover, rather than sidestepping the issue of cultural equivalence (e.g., Knight, Tein, Shell, & Roosa, 1992), the investigators show that family relations and parenting practices have similar linkages to delinquency across ethnic and socioeconomic groups. (Henggeler, 1996, p. 137)

In these studies as well as many others the scientists wished to associate the problem behaviors of children with some of the major causations in the home. (McCord, 1996, p. 147) (Gorman-Smith, Tolan, Zelli & Huesmann, 1996, p. 115)

Focus of study/Relevance to Social Policy clear assessment of the successes of older children or young adults who have developed coping skills and psychological defenses that have led them away from personal violence or have helped them avoid ever committing behavioral transgressions, could be useful especially as a partner plan with parental intervention.

The challenge of this study will be associated with the fact that very few children who successfully cope with the aggressions they face at home, and do exhibit classic behavioral problems often never enter the system that would adequately assess their situation. In many situations children who reach the system of acknowledgement and assistance often do so either through severe school sanctions based on a new and very low tolerance for antisocial behavior, or through the remediation of a court system. Juveniles must become "delinquent" before they receive recognition and possible assistance for their problems. "Although juvenile courts have historically emphasized a philosophy of treatment and rehabilitation, the increases in juvenile violence have brought to the forefront the courts' responsibility for protecting society from dangerous individuals." (Kuperminc & Reppucci, 1996, p. 134)

The increasing severity and the destructive nature of the extremes of violence which have been so publicly presented on the national and local news and have been dramatized by the superbly popular crime television programs are making more and more people aware of the concerns that the level of violence among children is traveling in a downward spiral through the ages of children's development. "Societal pressures to deal more harshly with violent delinquents as compared to nonviolent delinquents have led the courts to begin holding violent juvenile offenders more accountable for their actions and to turn more often to dispositions emphasizing punishment and retribution." (Kuperminc & Reppucci, 1996, p. 134)

The contributions of all of these factors have led the solutions for the problem into being nearly the soul responsibly of the court system rather than the family or even the school system. Judges and attorneys are now making the decisions that will lead a young person toward success or failure. Though there have been significant changes in the ways in which cases are dealt with and children are still given much more rehabilitation than adults. It is clear that violent offences are given a much more adult like treatment than non-violent.

In this context, the need is obvious for clear definitions of delinquency and clear distinctions between youths who commit violent offenses and those who do not. Without such distinctions, juvenile courts may regard juvenile offenders as existing in a swimming pool in which youths committing only minor offenses remain in the shallow end -- where treatment and rehabilitation seem possible -- whereas violent offenders are in the deep end -- where the obstacles to effective treatment seem overwhelming. (Kuperminc & Reppucci, 1996, p. 134)

It is often assumed that the severity of the violence that is occurring at home is directly correlation to the severity of the behavioral exhibition of the children affected. The fallacy of this assumption is that the correlation is direct. From this assumption of correlation, though it may be statistically so, is the assumption that children who are not "acting out" aggressively are not experiencing violence in the home. From many sources, we know that this is not necessarily the case. Clearly from the statistic above, telling of fifty percent of all marital relationships experiencing violence of some sort at some time could be seen as a clear indication that all children do not respond with "delinquent" behavior, as it is absolutely clear that fifty percent of children do not exhibit these destructive behaviors. It is also clear that statistics can be dangerous in this case when investigations of "delinquent" behavior become a direct accusatory investigation of parental behavior. Not all troubled children have troubled parents or a troubled family life. As most know psychology and behavioral responses to internalized beliefs are not so simple. The research question posed here will be an attempt to glean knowledge from those young people who do experience violence in the home but develop coping skills that lead them to different outcomes, mainly those of at least by appearance exhibition of normal developmental public behaviors.

Proposed Methods

The ways in which this research can be done are limited, yet the value of such a study would clearly necessitate an attempt to develop means for the assessment of this information. Research would be focused toward minor offenders and/or a general school population. This research would be best done among young adults who have largely gone past the statistically dangerous developmental stages for the exhibition of delinquent behavior. The ages focused upon will be those between 18 and 21. By recruiting test cases that are above the age of consent many possible human subjects issues will be avoided and concerns about fears of reprisal toward parents of underage children will be removed form the study. Additionally because the focus of the study will be to attempt to glean stories of success and therefore successful coping skills, a college campus may be the best location for the testing.

The test case will consist of a self-report interview. Test questions will focus on early - late childhood family dynamics, asking questions about frequency, duration and severity of violence in the home. Questions will also attempt to answer aspects relating to source and focus of violence in the childhood home chronologically through the years from earliest memory to leaving home. The second portion of the exam will be related to questions of behavioral delinquency severity, age and frequency. Family composition will also be mapped. Test subjects who report significant numbers of delinquent acts will not be studied in closer detail for these purposes but will become part of a two-tiered normal test group. The second portion of the normal test group will consist of subjects who do not report violence in the home or self-delinquency.

Those subjects who report significant levels of violence in the home but do not report self-delinquency will remain in the test subject set. The test subject set will then be asked further questions associated with their evaluation of what about their family life helped them beat the odds and not "act out" as juvenile delinquents. All of the information received from the test cases will by statistically analyzed based on numbers and severity of violent acts, time of cessation of acts and family composition. The test cases for both normal and test subject sets will be recruited based on voluntary response to a campus wide campaign asking for subjects who experienced violence in the home as children or who wish to participate in a study that will add to the knowledge base for a solution to domestic violence. An attempt will be made to build a subject base of one hundred test subjects and one hundred normal test subjects. Self-report offers some skew of results simply based on time, memory and expectations but a test group of two hundred should account for a good portion of the skewing. Recorded transcripts will be coded anonymously and will be used to further the knowledge base of the study. Quantitative analysis of results will also attempt to reduce the skew of the self-report aspects of this test process.