Criminal Justice Research Methods
There are a large number of research methodologies that can be used to investigate the effectiveness of criminal justice practices and reforms. The methodologies can be grouped into qualitative and quantitative, with the former representing an inductive approach when little is understood about a phenomenon (Driessnack, Sousa, & Mendes, 2007) and the latter representing a deductive approach intended to quantify outcomes under controlled conditions (Sousa, Driessnack, & Mendes, 2007). Quantitative methodologies can be further divided into non-experimental and experimental, while experimental can be divided into true-experimental and quasi-experimental. To develop a deeper understanding of the scientific methods of inquiry that can be applied to criminal justice research topics, several study designs will be reviewed and discussed.
Research Methods and Examples
Researcher interested in understanding more about a phenomenon will typically interview the persons who are affected the most, thereby gaining a better understanding of the lived experience (Driessnack, Sousa, & Mendes, 2007). For example, rape victims could be interviewed several years after the crime was committed to better understand their experiences when interacting with the police and prosecutors. Grounded theory could also be used to study the same phenomenon, only instead of collecting and analyzing the information after all interviews have been completed, researchers would analyze the information gained during the interview process, while simultaneously modifying the questions being asked. Grounded theory therefore uses an iterative process whereby the questions being asked are 'grounded' in the information being culled from the interviews. By comparison, researchers using ethnographic study design would immerse themselves in a group or community to better understand the lived experience. For example, a researcher interested in understanding the interactions between the criminal justice system and rape victims could become a member of a sexual assault response unit within a police department for several months. Interviews of rape victims, sexual assault response team members, prosecutors, and judges could be conducted, in addition to poring through court transcripts.
Quantitative study designs can be stratified by the degree of scientific rigor possible, with tru-experimental study designs generally having more rigor than quasi-experimental, and quasi-experimental study designs having more rigor than non-experimental (Sousa, Driessnack, & Mendes, 2007). A correlational study would be an example of a non-experimental study design. An example of a correlational study would be comparing inmate participation in restorative justice programs with recidivism rates over time. Non-experimental study designs, however, cannot determine whether a causal relationship exists. A better quantitative study design for evaluating whether restorative justice programs have a significant impact on recidivism rates would be a randomized, controlled trial (RCT). Using an RCT to study the efficacy of restorative justice programs would involve randomly assigning inmates to either an intervention or control group. This approach requires a significant investment of resources and a large samples size to minimize selection biases between the intervention and control groups, but a positive significant finding would support the conclusion that restorative justice programs reduce recidivism rates, a conclusion unattainable using a non-experimental design.
Resistance to Body Cameras
The Rialto, California Police Department gained international attention after all police officers on the force were required to wear body-cameras (Carroll, 2013). Although other police agencies around the world have implemented body camera pilot programs, an RCT conducted in Rialto revealed an 88 and 60% reduction in citizen complaints against the police and use-of-force by police officers, respectively. Not everyone is so enamored with police-worn body cameras, especially police officers. The Toronto Police Association's President, Mike McCormack, argued that body cameras would do little to reduce citizen complaints against police (Rosenthal & Brown, 2014). Meanwhile, mandated body cameras for police officers in Edmonton, Victoria, Calgary, and Ottawa have reportedly reduced citizen complaints by as much as 80%. When U.S. District Judge Shira Scheindlin mandated body camera pilot programs for the New York City Police Department in the aftermath of the Stop-n-Frisk trial, an outcry was heard throughout City Hall (Skoloff, Ritter, & Lemire, 2013).
Although civil libertarians are concerned about the privacy issues raised by police-worn body cameras, the greatest resistance seems to be coming from police officers themselves. One hypothesis would be that police resistance to body cameras is due to the constraints imposed on an officer's behavior by police culture (Conti, 2009). To better understand the rationale(s) for this resistance a grounded theory study design will be used. Officers will be interviewed individually or in groups, asked whether they would be willing to wear a body camera, and then queried about the basis of their views. The information collected during the individual and group interviews will be used to improve the questions before the next set of interviews. A comparison of the views expressed by officers individually or in a group format may reveal whether police culture has a significant influence on officer attitudes towards body cameras.
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