Literature on the Social and Psychological Use of Storytelling

Storytelling Review of Literature

For hundreds of years, stories have been used to teach children about morality and ethics. Indeed, many of the same myths, legends and fairy tales have been handed down from generation to generation, remaining largely intact.

However, these myths also contain hidden meanings that illuminate the cultural or historical aspects of their origin.

The first part of this paper studies the literature examining hidden meanings, cultural norms and morals that are embedded in myths and fairy tales.

The second part of the paper looks at how these meanings and cultural norms get imbued and reproduced in the minds of their audience - primarily children.

Aside from serving as a vehicle for reproducing cultural norms, this paper looks at the psychological and social uses of storytelling. In the third part, this paper looks at how psychologists like Bruno Bettelheim maintain that storytelling can serve a therapeutic value for the individual. Finally, the paper studies literature concerning how myths also serve an ideological purpose and, through critical appropriation, how these stories could also have a subversive value.

Cultural Meanings

Theoretical Studies

Since this paper examines the transmission of cultural norms through stories, it becomes necessary to define what constitutes "culture" itself. In The Silent Language, Edward Hall (1973) defines culture as "the way of life of a people, for the sum of their learned behavior patterns, attitudes and material things" (20). As such, culture encompasses a wide body of a people's practices, behavior and beliefs. Furthermore, Hall maintains that though individual cultures may vary through time, people search for stability and continuity by locating parts of culture that remain constant. This is done through "identifying a common particule or element that can be found in every aspect of culture" (20).

One aspect common to all cultures is the aspect of mythology. In The Power of Myth, Joseph Campbell (1988) defines a myth as "stories about gods" (22). These stories, however, serve two distinct functions. Myths serve to explain natural phenomena and help people to locate their place within the natural order. Myths also serve a sociological purpose, by linking a person to a particular social group.

In Myth and Meaning, anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (1979) believes that as the world undergoes rapid technological change, myths are no longer needed to explain natural phenomena. After all, modern science has served to colonize many aspects of human life, and many things that our ancestors had found mysterious and unknowable had been de-mystified and explained.

However, Levi-Strauss argues that not all explanations can be reduced to their smallest particles, the same way a piece of music is not reducible to its separate notes. In culture, the meanings are not necessarily linear or sequential. In addition to science, Levi-Strauss suggests that all cultures possess the same essential sophistication of thought. A culture's myths hide perceptions that are no longer needed by modern society or individuals. For example, most human societies no longer explain thunder as a result of the actions of gods.

However, myths get passed on, largely because they continue to hold meanings. Though these perceptions may no longer explain natural phenomena, Levi-Strauss argues that they could still be read as explanations of cultural phenomena.

Case Studies

Jack Zipes is the foremost authority on the social and cultural meanings of stories and fairy tales. Through an approach heavily influenced by Marxism, the Frankfurt School and Walter Benjamin, Zipes has written several works that tease out the social-cultural content of European fairy tales.

In The Brothers Grimm: From Enchanted Forests to the Modern World, Zipes (1988) examines the social conditions that served as a backdrop to the Grimms' stories. The early chapters focus on the lives of the brothers Grimm and the culture in which the original storytellers grew up. These biographies serve to illuminate aspects of their tales that may seem peculiar, such as a girl chosen over her brothers to be heir to the family's wealth.

Through this collection of essays, Zipes (1988) illustrates how fairy tales are, in a large part, shaped by society. To understand the tales, Zipes provides a guidebook through the enchanted forests of their creation.

In another example, Stanley Rosenman (2000) examines the social roots of the Pied Piper fable in his journal article "The Pied Piper of Hamelin: Folklore encounters malevolent cults." Rosenman traces the Pied Piper back to the medieval fairy age and suggests several social reasons for the story's dark resolution.

Rosenman looks at the various historical circumstances that may have contributed to the story.

For example, in 1212, during the Inquisition, thousands of children were taken from the Byzantine Empire and never returned. The Black Death spread through Europe from the mid-13th century, resulting in a plague that killed half of Europe's population. Since labor in the grain and milling center of Hamelin became scarce during this time of death, many members of the nobility sought youngsters as workers by falsely promising good wages and a better life.

However, Rosenman believes that the foundation of the Pied Piper lies in the society's "mesh of self mutilating behavior (and) merciless childrearing." The middle ages, after all, saw the treatment of children in ways that would be considered brutal in any culture. Infanticide was common and children were often sold as slaves or used as hostages to pay debts. Rosenman sees that "in the creation of...the Pied Piper of Hamelin, folk wisdom tried to confront the torquing of psyches from the maltreatment of children that was in fashion during the 13th and 14th centuries in Europe."

Feminist theorists have looked at how these fairy tales expose cultural norms regarding patriarchy. In their study of classical fairy tales like Cinderella, Jerilyn Fisher and Ellen S. Silber (2000) conclude that these stories "recount true female experience under patriarchy, a world in which innocent young women are set against their sisters and mothers in rivalry for the affection of males."

More recent fairy tales or children's stories also reflect prevailing cultural norms regarding race. In her study of the 1920s Brownies' Book series, Fern Kory (2001) exposes the racial undertones of new children's fiction in the early part of the 20th century. Kory observes that the prevailing children's fiction enforced racist assumptions through non-existent African-American children and adults. When presented, African-Americans were stereotyped as the "dark cooks" or the "colored workers." The more overt forms of racism include the practice of spelling "Negro" with a lower-case n and through the strategic use of estranging dialect.

In summary, these studies have shown that in addition to overt moral lessons, myths and fairy tales also contain hidden meanings. Campbell (1988) and Levi-Strauss (1977) both believe that many of these meanings are cultural and social, and that the social constructions of myths are a cross-cultural constant. In a few case studies, Zipes (1988) and Rosenman (2000) tease out the social events and practices that underlie the construction of many fairy tales. Fisher and Silber (2000) and Kory (2001) contribute to the field by illustrating the patriarchal and racial assumptions that are embedded in classical and modern children's tales.

Transmission of Cultural Norms

In addition to the identification of these cultural norms, many studies have been done to see how these ideas are transmitted to their main audience - children.

Elizabeth Yeoman (1999) finds many examples of how dominant discourses get imposed on the minds of children. For example, when asked to draw a princess, a young girl with dark skin drew a figure with yellow hair. When asked to explain, the girl said "Well, (the princess) was good, so I wanted to make her pretty."

Despite the proliferation of alternative images in children's literature and other media, Yeoman observes, "white images of goodness and beauty are still vastly more pervasive." Among other factors, Yeoman cites storylines and exaggerated images in Disney cartoons that serve to reproduce racism (Yeoman 1999).

In addition to racial stereotypes, the Yeoman study also identified several ways in which classical fairy tales provoke a gendered response.

For example, she found that the girls favored "upside down" fairy tales with independent heroines while the boys preferred more traditional male heroes. Yeoman believes that the girls' preferences were due to their greater familiarity with "alternative gender images." The difference lies in the boys' and girls' different need to identify with a hero/heroine of the same sex. The girls therefore tended to identify with the independent heroines while the boys did not. In addition, the boys did not align themselves with the weak and silly princes typical of this genre. Yeoman concludes that there is a need for more engaging alternative heroes for boys and that a more in-depth study of children's engagement with heroes and heroines would enrich our understanding of this complex area.

Not every psychologist, however, subscribes to role socialization theory. Bruno Bettelheim (1989), for example, insists that in the story of Rapunzel, there is no reason why a boy should necessarily identify with the prince over the imprisoned Rapunzel. He writes, "a fairy tale - because it addresses itself in the most imaginative form to essential human problems, and does so in an indirect way - can have much to offer to a little boy even if the story's heroine is an adolescent girl" (17).

This conclusion, however, is countered studies. These include research done outside the purview of feminism. Psychologist Richard Meth (1990), for instance, writes as young as three or four years old are able to select toys and games that are considered masculine. In contrast, girls the same age had a less rigid sense of what was considered appropriate masculine and feminine behavior.

However, it should be noted that the power of these myths and fairy tales to communicate cultural norms is also mitigated by the storyteller's motives. In their study differences among storytellers, Monisha Pasupathi, Laura Carstensen and Risha M. Henry (2002) found that age and ethnicity are associated with individuals' motivations for emotional regulation and social interaction. Furthermore, these age and ethnicity-related motives would be reflected in storytelling. The study observed storytellers from two age groups (young adult and old age) and two ethnic groups (African-American and European-American) as they told stories to young girls. The stories were then coded for emotional, relational, and socialization focus. The results showed that older adults selectively emphasize positive over negative emotions and directed more dialogue toward their interaction with their listener. In addition, the African-American group of storytellers was more likely to emphasize socialization themes.

In summary, there are differing conclusions regarding the socializing effect of fairy tales and stories on young children. Bettelheim (1989) believes that children do not have to be limited by the gender subtext when finding role models or characters to identify with in fairy tales.

Bettelheim's conclusion, however, is contradicted by several more recent studies that look at the socializing role of such stories on a child's gender and racial beliefs. Meth (1990) found that this socialization affects boys stronger and earlier in age, resulting in more rigid definitions of masculinity. Yeoman (1999) maintains that the gender and racial subtexts of these stories become embedded in a child's mind through unconscious socialization.

However, Pasupathi, Cartensen and Henry (2002) warn against the tendency to generalize, since much of the socialization also depends on the storytellers themselves, whose motives are greatly influenced by race, age and ethnicity.

Therapeutic Uses of Fairy Tales

Bruno Bettelheim remains arguably the most famous defender of the therapeutic value of the fairy tale. According to Bettelheim (1988), fairy tales, "represent in imaginative form what the process of healthy human development consists of...(and) make great and positive psychological contributions to the child's inner growth" (12). As a child psychologist, Bettelheim insists that a child's preference for a certain fairy tale is a result of "what the tale evokes in his conscious and unconscious mind" (17) in terms of his "needs of the moment" (12).

Above all, however, Bettelheim belies his Freudian roots, when he interprets fairy tales as accounts of conflicts between sexuality and identity. In the introduction to The Uses of Enchantment: The meaning and importance of fairy tales, Bettelheim lays out his interpretation of the Rapunzel tale.

Rapunzel, Bettelheim writes, "is... The story of a pubertal girl, and of her jealous mother who tries to prevent her from gaining independence."

He disagrees with the idea that young children identify with characters within fairy tales solely according to gender type. For instance, he insists, a little boy will not necessarily identify for with a male character than with a female character. Instead, Bettelheim presents the idea that this "identification" is more one of sharing a common situation with a character, not one of sharing their gender.

Bettelheim presents as an example a five-year-old boy who learns that his grandmother/caretaker is seriously ill and has been hospitalized. His mother works all day and there is no father at home. At this critical juncture, a reading of Rapunzel may have much to offer the young boy. First, Bettelheim points to the tower as a form of security from all dangers. More important, Rapunzel manages to escape her predicament through her own body -- meaning her hair. Bettelheim believes that the boy would identify with Rapunzel because by focusing on how she escapes, by assimilating the fact that "one's body can provide a lifeline reassured him that...he would similarly find in his body the source of his security" (17).

In another example, Bettelheim presents the case of a motherless girl who is being raised by an uncaring nanny. Like the imprisoned Rapunzel, the girl felt powerless in her new home situation and pined for rescue. In fact, Rapunzel's long hair became a symbol of freedom and happiness, because her nanny always cut her hair short. Later, in therapy, the girl realized that the "prince" she had been waiting for was actually her absentee father. As an adult, the girl gave Rapunzel a happy ending, in which her hair grew long again. In addition, the prince/father figure was only temporarily blinded and eventually "saw" his daughter.

In both these examples, Bettelheim presents case studies that illustrate the role which fairy tales in general, and "Rapunzel" in particular, can play in the lives of their readers. Readers not only correlate fairy tale motifs to happenings in their own life, but also actually begin to sympathize with Rapunzel. To certain readers who identify with Rapunzel's situation, the tale becomes a story of hope and the endurance in sharing a common situation.

In her study of how middle-school children relate to the story of Cinderella, Mary Mercer Krogness (1996) finds common ground with Bettelheim's conclusions.

First, Krogness observes that versions of the ancient fairy tale of Cinderella exists across more than 500 different cultures, including ancient Africa, China, India, Egypt, and Korea. She attributes the tale's universalism and enduring popularity not in the fantasy aspect of fairy godmothers and royalty. Instead, Krogness locates the heart of this timeless tale in "a young girl's feelings of rejection, dejection, abandonment, and depression" (Krogness 1996). These feelings continue to resonate with children, preteens and teenagers today because the familiar emotions connect with their own. Young people greatly identify with the story's oppressed lead character.

In the psychological tradition of Bettelheim, Krogness thus suggests that educators and counselors can use the story of Cinderella as both a teaching tool and a chance to give young people an opportunity to air emotional burdens and be heard. Krogness thus recommends that teachers ask their young students to write their own versions of the Cinderella story. In her experience, the resulting stories are mitigated by socio-economic, cultural, racial and linguistic factors. Many of the stories serve as an outlet for the children's feelings, allowing them to express emotions that would otherwise have remained hidden.

One child, for example, expressed concerns about her parent's divorce or the difficulty of getting along with new step-siblings. For some, the problems are even darker. In her story, one child wrote "I often wonder if anyone would notice if for some reason I'd just disappear. Sometimes I feel like a small dot in the universe" (Krogness 1996).

Krogness concludes that the strength of using Cinderella as a model lies in the universal emotions that are chronicled in the story. This allows children and adolescents who share the same feelings to create spaces of sharing, and helps in forming stronger social bonds.

In summary, myths and fairy tales have significant personal therapeutic value, particularly for children. Bettelheim believes that fairy tales play a key role in the psychological well being of children by providing them with characters with whom they can identify. A child - male or female - can thus see Rapunzel as a story of hope and identify with the female hero who escapes her imprisonment. Children and adolescents can also identify with the loneliness isolation and oppression faced by Cinderella and use this commonality as a springboard for sharing experiences and forming social bonds with their peer groups.

Fairy Tales as Ideology

These above-mentioned studies, however, do not address another underlying aspect of most children's literature. As cultural products themselves, these stories reflect prevailing cultural norms. In the process, they also transmit these norms to the next generation of children. Thus, in addition to merely reflecting dominant society, these stories also play an active role in maintaining and reproducing dominant social structures and beliefs.

In his book Happily Ever After: Fairy tales, children and the culture industry Jack Zipes (1998) tackles the social role of fairy tales. For Zipes, fairy tales have a larger purpose than merely contributing to the individual well being of one child. Instead, Zipes locates the fairy tale in the realm of Theodor Adorno's concept of the "culture industry," where the products of culture no longer serve aesthetic or intellectual functions. Instead, these products of mass culture simply reinforce and reproduce the prevailing economic and social order.

In modern day capitalism, this translates to the Disney Company's role as the predominant purveyor of fairy tales in modern Western and, increasingly, global culture. Zipes (1998) avoids painting Disney as intentionally evil. However, he is critical of Disney's role in using fairy tales to socialize children to become avid consumers. In other words, enjoying the story of "The Lion King" means much more than enjoying the Simba's personal growth and his journey to become king. Instead, children are encouraged, quite successfully, to buy all the figurines from Burger King and all the movie-related articles from the Disney Store.

Following Zipes' socio-historical approach, Justyna Desczc (2002) examines the contemporary status of the fairy tale and its relation to the culture industry. Desczc observes that despite the presence of other media and recreation choices, fairy tales, albeit in a repackaged form, remain popular. After all, fairy tales are an undemanding diversion from everyday life and, because of the hegemonic status of the company, comparable to a visit to Disneyland.

However, Desczc agrees with Zipes that these commodified fairy tales do not leave room for free thought. Instead, repackaged versions of "The Little Mermaid" and "Mulan" serve to reinforce their consumer status and -- in contrast to Bettelheim's conclusions -- are actually designed to reinforce their consumerist status rather than to address them as individuals.

Most of the "Disneyfied" stories are sanitized versions of their original tales. The lead characters in "The Little Mermaid," for example do not die and live happily ever after. Feminist analyses of Snow White and Sleeping Beauty have already exposed how -- despite the many variations of these tales around the world, the Disney versions are based on the princesses' ability to save themselves through their beauty, by attracting a prince savior. Even the feminist Mulan falls under the spell of a happy ending which, in Disney parlance, translates to a successful marriage.

Despite the significant worldwide variations of tales like Cinderella, Snow White and Mulan, the Disney interpretations have generally become the standardized version. The danger, Desczc (2002) writes, is that these sanitized and consumerist re-interpretations form the basis where "people can perceive themselves as members of one united community that shares norms and values, and cherishes the same concept of happiness."

In summary, myths and fairy tales also serve social as well as personal/individual functions. Zipes (1998) believes that through its movies, Disney has achieved the status of the world's leading storyteller. Their dominance in the field of storytelling have all but wiped out other versions of classic fairy tales like "Cinderella" and "The Little Mermaid." This places fairy tales in a position to affect much more than an individual child's psyche, well being or attitudes towards gender or race. By making children into consumers, the Disneyfied versions of these fairy tales also serve to maintain the existing social and economic (capitalist) structures.

Desczc's (2002) study on the contemporary status of fairy tales supports Zipes' conclusions. The fairy tale itself is part of a cultural institution. Instead of being just individual stories, these myths and fairy tales exist within a larger socio-economic framework of production, distribution and reception. In addition, fairy tales fulfill specific functions, such as "the preservation of the cultural heritage of a given country" (Desczc 2002).