Shirley Chisholm 1972 Presidential Campaign
Clearly it is odd that one of the most foundational black female leaders of the 20th century has almost no notoriety. Shirley Chisholm, born to poor immigrant parents in New York City in 1924, chose to develop a calling for politics during the height of the civil rights movement, and just following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. she was elected to the House of Representatives. Her election marked the first election of a black women to the House and after a significant term in the House she sought the Democratic nomination for president to run against Richard Nixon in 1972. In so doing she became the first black woman to seek such a nomination for the Democratic Party. ("Obituary: Shirley Chisholm" 13)
Chisholm's campaign was said to be notoriously grass roots and was built on popular support rather than the infamous "special interest" endorsements and funding that governed most national politics of the day and to some degree still does. A legacy building quote from a 1972 campaign brochure for Chisholm states; "No special interest groups will contribute to her campaign. So the success of her/candidacy depends upon people like you./The unbossed and the unbought." (4President.org. "Shirley Chisholm for President 1972 Campaign Brochure") Later the slogan, The unbossed and the unbought, became the title of her autobiographical work detailing her political career with special attention to her bid for the Democratic nomination, that was unsuccessful but nonetheless marked an important shift in politics and culture in the U.S. ("Chisholm, Shirley Anita St. Hill")
According to Soule and McGrath the values and standards of the Democratic party began to shift toward the liberal in an away that dominated the nominations, not enough to build universal or dominant support for Chisholm but still significantly. The authors stress that these changes may have been in large part representative of a real shift in representation among delegates between the 1968 and 1972 presidential conventions. Table 1 shows socioeconomic factors associated with the delegates of the 1968 and 1972 conventions respectively;
Socioeconomic Representation of the 1968 & 1972
Presidential) Democratic National Conventions
1970 Census%
1968 Delegates %
1972 Delegates %
Women
Blacks
Income less than $10,000
21-29 Years of Age
Soule & McGrath 503)
Though it is clear from the data that the convention delegates are not representative of the overall population they are however clearly more representative in 1972 than they had been in 1968. The socioeconomic bridge was in large part associated with the civil rights movement and more specifically with candidate options such as the nomination bid of Shirley Chisholm.
Based on a conservative/liberal ideology questionnaire from the convention and reported on by Soule & McGrath delegates to the convention reflect a clear and concise preferences associated with candidates and ideologies. Table 2 details the dominant ideologies of the delegates for the presidential nominees in 1972;
Ideology and Candidate Preference in 1972
Candidate Preference
Conservative
Liberal
McGovern (N=189)
Humphrey
N=46)
Muskie
N=20)
Jackson
N=7)
Chisholm
N=13)
Wallace
N=23)
Soule & McGrath 507)
The above table demonstrates a shift in political thinking among Democratic delegates, even from the previous presidential year convention in 1968. (Soule & McGrath 507) If one analyses the findings of the above table it is also clear that the candidate preference is highly reflective of the liberal vs. conservative ideologies and though Chisholm only achieved the successful votes of 13 delegates she did so in a different arena, when liberal and moderate ideologies as well as socioeconomic representation was beginning to align more effectively with the party, the civil rights movement and the demographics of the U.S. population. Sadly, this shift, like most things was not permanent and lasting, as conservative values like many other social and cultural ideologies comes in waves and can not endure until change comes about slowly, almost without the population knowing. This can be clearly demonstrated by the fact that it took another 26 years for a black man to be elected president and we have yet to see a female head of state. Demographic representation in either major party has also come in waves of more or less over the years and both parties are still arguably challenged by special interest dominance and a more often then not wealthy constitution, with an even more wealthy pool of candidates to choose from, owing in great part to the not decreasing but increasing cost of running for national office at the congressional and presidential levels. (Magarian 1939)
Critics like Chisholm, though in the minority demanded changes such as an end to the Vietnam War and limitations or challenges to the seniority systems in the House and other arenas that dominate who and why voices are heard in various legislative debates and formulations and to some degree what makes it to ratification and what does not. ("Chisholm, Shirley Anita St. Hill") Chisholm also reflected most effectively the variation in demographic representation in the Democratic Party that was a result of the broader civil rights movement and all its challenges to traditional racist, sexist and conservative traditional values of the broader culture. Unfortunately, and in contrast to common public opinion being a reformer demanding change in traditional arenas is not usually the ticket to success in politics, as reformation demands many to look carefully at the benefits those in power gain from their political clout and fiercely covet and protect them. It is very likely that Chisholm, though likely hoping for success was clear about her role not as a legitimate candidate for the Democratic nomination but one that would challenge the status quo and possibly pave the way for change in the future. ("Obituary: Shirley Chisholm" 13)
Polls conducted during the period stress that Chisholm, ranked very low in popularity among voters;
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