Hong Kong and Taiwan Both

Hong Kong and Taiwan

Both Hong Kong and Taiwan have had a long history with China, dating as far back as the mid-1500's. Each country has had vast and far reaching influence on the culture and practices of China, as both independently co-exist with one of the greatest counties of all time. This paper will examine the roles of both Taiwan and Hong Kong in Chinese history, and will examine each country's current situation in relation to China. Additionally, this paper will examine Hong Kong's model of reunification with China, and will discuss its impact on the future of Taiwan. This paper will show that although Hong Kong and Taiwan have many ties with China, each has its own valid history, present, and future that is separate from that on mainland China.

Taiwan has long been a part of china's history. As early as 1544, Portuguese colonizers discovered the Taiwan island, and dubbed it Ilha Formosa, or the beautiful island. However, it was not until 1582 that the island became known in European navigation. By 1624, Dutch settlers had erected a fort on the isle, and had begun to colonize the southwestern area as the Dutch East Indies Company. At that point, there were not signs of any Chinese Imperial Government in the area, and was thus not considered part of China (Kung, Chia, 1).

However, Spanish settlers in northern Taiwan also began to develop the area in 1626, and were in conflict with the Dutch East Indies Company. By 1942, the Dutch had expelled the Spanish from Northern Taiwan, and had begun to bring in Chinese immigrant labor for their sugar plantations and rice fields. As these workers began to tire of the trek back and forth to China, they settled in the area, often marrying the aborigine settlers. Thus, the Taiwanese race began (Ito, 4).

In 1661, China was having its own conflict between the Ming Dynasty and the Ching Dynasty. A loyalist of the outgoing Ming Dynasty, Koxinga, led 25,000 soldiers and pirates into Taiwan in April of that year, in an effort to escape the wrath of the incoming Ming Dynasty in China. Koxinga defeated the Dutch of Taiwan, and after 9 months of fighting, the Dutch surrendered. Sya, son of Koxinga, took over Taiwan as the King of Taiwan. However, in 1663, a Dutch Admiral returned to the Formosa Straits with land and sea support to defeat Sya's armies. While they succeeded in ridding Amoy and Quemoy of Koxingans, they failed to retake Taiwan. By 1673, Sya had retaken Amoy and Quemoy, but failed in battle in the Formosa Straits and returned to Taiwan. Sya died in 1681, and was succeeded. However, the last of the Ming dynasty was defeated by the Ch'ing (Manchus) troops in 1683 (Kung, Chia, 2).

The Chinese, however, only annexed the western portion of Taiwan to the empire. The Chinese empire did not see sufficient need to extend their rule over the rest of the island, as the people of Taiwan were not skilled in naval warfare, or any knowledge of the other islands. While immigration from China to Taiwan increased over the years, the immigrants went fleeing war and famine in China, not due to the Chinese government. Taiwan was thus under its own relative control for the next 200 years, with occasional attempts by the Manchus to exert control. However, the inhabitants continued to fight back against any officials from the China mainland (Ito, 6).

Additionally, China frequently refused to act on attacks by the Taiwanese on French navy fleets. The Manchus emperor even stated that Taiwan was beyond the territory of China, when asked to act on the problem of Taiwanese pirates (Snow, 45). The French responded by attacking Taiwan in 1884, and occupied the northern portion of Taiwan for over a year (Ito, 6).

It was not until the Japanese began to expand south that China took an acute interest in Taiwan. In 1887, the Manchu Imperial authorities declared Taiwan a province of the Empire. China continued to struggle against Japanese influence in the area, but lost the battle in 1895, as the Japanese defeated the Manchus in the Sino-Japanese war. As part of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, China gave Taiwan to Japan (Ito, 7).

China did not take part in Taiwan affairs again until World War II (except for occasional Manchu officials early on who were disenchanted with China). During that time, educational systems were built, the infrastructure was developed, and their economy bloomed. Simultaneously, Chinese Communists under Mao Tse-tung were fighting with Chiang Kai-shek Nationalists (Ito, 6). Mao Tse-tung, seeing the military advantage to Taiwan, stated that China "[would] extend them our enthusiastic help in their struggle for independence" (Snow, 110).

As tensions mounted for Chain Kai-shek, he and his military retreated to Taiwan in 1949. Mao Tse-tung planned to invade to rid the area of Nationalists, but was thwarted by the United States in 1950. By 1951, Japan had broken all ties with Taiwan, due to the San Francisco Peace Treaty. It is important to note that this treaty stated that when Japan gave up rights to the island, the people of Taiwan should determine their own future status. This document represents the only treaty to deal with the status of Taiwan (Lagasse, et al., "Taiwan"). By 1955, China was again attacking the island to oust all Nationalists (Ito, 6). The United States helped to fund Taiwan's military, and the island was used for missions over China (Lagasse, et al., "Taiwan").

By 1972, Chain Kai-shek was elected to his sixth presidential term in Taiwan. However, the popularity of the Nationalist party of Taiwan was beginning to falter, as the world began to form ties with the now named Peoples Republic of China. By 1980, the United Nations had recognized China as a viable power, and had taken Taiwan's seat, and given it to mainland China. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank also dropped Taiwan in favor of China, and the U.S. had broken most ties with Taiwan (Lagasse, et al., "Taiwan").

The current situation of Taiwan is one of intense struggle between independence and unification with mainland China. Friction on the island between the mainland Chinese and the native Taiwanese has lessened but is still very much present. Politically, the KMT party of Taiwan continues to push for unification with China, while the DDP (Democratic Progressive Party) continues to push for independence. By 2003, Taiwan passed a law allowing referendums, a move which mainland China criticized, for fear the law would be used to gain independence (Lagasse, et al., "Taiwan").

In 1991, the KMT claim to rule all of China was dropped. The KMT had been appointed to Taiwan in 1947, and were finally able to step down. Since that point, Taiwan has made considerable strides in their pursuit of independence. China, however, still sees them as a part of the mainland, and continues to pressure, via force or negotiation, an end to the struggle (Lagasse, et al., "Taiwan").

In contrast, Hong Kong's history with China has been far more harmonious. Hong Kong was originally settled by the British in 1839, and soon became a commercial gateway to Southern China. The British effectively governed the area, and the businesses soon became some of the most reliable in all of Southeast Asia (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").

However, in 1941, Japanese forces took the island, an easy task considering Hong Kong's lack of fortification. The British reclaimed the area in 1945. It was not until 1949 that China became involved in the area. As Communism took control over China, thousands of Chinese refugees began to cross over into Hong Kong. Problems multiplied with housing crises, health problems, rampant drug addictions, and high crime rates. China agreed to help by piping in water from their reservoirs (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").

By 1967, China was in the midst of a Cultural Revolution. In May of the year, Hong Kong followed, resulting in riots and worker strikes. While the British were quick to react, China actually helped speed the action by stopping the water piping, leaving Hong Kong without a water supply, and as a result, the rioting ceased (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").

In 1984, Britain and China negotiated an agreement where Hong Kong would become an administrative region of China as of 1997. This agreement, resulting from years of negotiations, made sure that China would allow Hong Kong to continue in their autonomy. China declared a policy of "One Country, Two Systems" (OCTS), which would allow Hong Kong to maintain its own social and economic systems for a period of 50 years following the changeover from British to Chinese rule (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").

However, the incident at Tiananmen Square fueled fears that China would not allow Hong Kong to remain autonomous. Following the incident, many left Hong Kong, which damaged the once booming economy of the area. By 1991, in the first direct elections of Hong Kong, the legislature was won by liberal candidates, in favor of independence. By 1992, Britain had introduced large quantities of democratic measures in Hong Kong, in an attempt to further their independence before China became their government. However, when Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, the Chinese government abolished the legislature that the British had established, and created their own provisional legislature. Yet China allowed, in 1998, for the election of prodemocracy parties, and again in 2000 (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").

However, China still states that the treaties which created Hong Kong were signed under coercion by both British and Western influence, and thus, do not have to be honored. Although China appears willing to allow for Hong Kong to be autonomous for 50 years, they do not appear to want to extend that right beyond the 2047 period. As long as Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, China will handle, at minimum, the foreign and defense of the area. It is unclear, however, how the socialist government of China will be introduced into this autonomous area, when the time comes (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").

It is precisely this reunification plan between Hong Kong and China which includes "One Country, Two Systems" that Taiwan has been fighting against. The Hong Kong reunification includes China's assurances that they can continue to use their own currency, maintain their status as a separate customs territory, continue to maintain their government structure, and continue to provide their own armed forces. This same offer was given to the people of Taiwan in 2001, in a continued effort to reunify (Blatt, B7).

The offer from China contained even more provisions, as well. China assured that all public monies of Taiwan would remain on the Taiwan island, and that Beijing would assure private property rights. Even further, China would give Taiwan full power and authority over their political appointments. Additionally, the Chinese representatives did not rule out force to reunify Taiwan with mainland China (Blatt, B7).

Chen, the representative of Taiwan, flatly refused. Mr. Chen stated, "It's as if one day, your neighbor suddenly runs into your house and sordidly declares, 'I want to take over your house. But I can permit you to live here and continue to use some of the furniture'," (Blatt, B7). Chen continued to say that unification held nothing for the Taiwanese, since all the concessions China was willing to give were already in place with the existing system. (Blatt, B7).

Chen continued to refute the efforts of China to treat Taiwan as Hong Kong, pointing out the main differences between Taiwan and Hong Kong. Taiwan has the ability and right, currently, to elect their own president. Hong Kong, however, must have an imperial order from the government of Beijing to appoint a chief executer, and the government of Beijing can dismiss the chief executive at any given time (Blatt, B7).

There are other considerations as well when examining the Hong Kong reunification ideas and the current state of Taiwan. The OCTS system contains in its provisions the ability for continuation of neo-colonialism on Chinese soil for 50 years in Hong Kong, under Chinese sovereignty. However, according to the Taiwanese, this policy cannot apply to them, since their foundation is based in capitalism, not colonialism (Liu, A02).

The fundamental problem with this is that Taiwan and China have economic dependence on one another than results in an almost impossible impasse. Taiwan firms in mainland China export almost 40% of China's total exports each year. Additionally, large investors in mainland China's economy are Taiwanese companies. Conversely, over 250,000 Taiwanese people live in Shanghai in connection with business operations, and another 750,000 are spread throughout China. Tourism from China is a large part of the Taiwanese economy, as well. If the two areas were to stop ties altogether, both economies would be in a crisis (Keliher, J24).

Hong Kong, however, is not completely ready to reunify with China, according to recent elections and demonstrations. In 2003, a bill passed by Beijing that would have out into place anti-subversion policies caused massive marches and protests from the people of Hong Kong, who felt the measure would threaten their freedoms. Additionally, in April of 2004, Beijing ruled out the option for the people of Hong Kong to directly choose their leader in the 2007 elections, a decision which caused outrage among the Hong Kong people (Wire, a).