This is a 4-page paper about the rise in Pentecostalism among Hispanics. The social, political, and religious reasons for this phenomenon are addressed thoroughly and with ample citation of the literature.
Religion
"One of the most important contemporary developments in the religious field among U.S. Latinos has been the rapid growth of evangelical Protestantism, particularly Pentecostalism," (Vasquez 617). Pentecostalism is a charismatic, evangelical Protestant denomination. Known best for its espousal of "speaking of tongues, faith healing, divine visions and miracles," Pentecostalism has enjoyed a strong presence in Latin America alongside Catholicism (Kunerth). Pentecostalism is growing among American Hispanics, too, both because of immigration from countries with an already strong Pentecostal base but also because of social, political, and personal psychological changes within the Hispanic-American community. Many new immigrants from Latin America, especially Nicaragua, Honduras and the Caribbean, are already Pentecostal because of the religion has flourished there for decades (Kunerth)
However, Pentecostalism was born in the United States. The religion reflects a uniquely American religious culture. William J. Seymour is widely credited with being the "father of Pentecostalism," after starting what are now called the Azusa Street Revivals in Los Angeles in 1906 (Solivan). Espinoza claims that the roots of Pentecostalism specifically among the Latin American community can be traced to two figures, Francisco Olazabal and Henry C. Ball. The reason why Pentecostalism flourished initially was because the religion served very specific social, political, and psychological needs. Rapid urbanization, subsequent social alienation, and industrialization were all important forces shaping the changing of America's religious demographics. This was especially true among the working class and the poor in America. Villafane points out that there was "a strong sense of alienation from churches, especially among industrial workers," (87). Solivan notes that Pentecostalism immediately established itself as the "church of the poor." The "new mass of urban sweatshop workers" needed new churches (Solivan). Those new churches had to be radically different from the old ones if they were to fulfill their express social, political, and religious functions.
Indeed, Pentecostalism was and still is radically different from Catholicism and mainline Protestantism. An emblem of the millenarianism movement, Pentecostalism fulfilled the need for both "escapism" and social protest (Villafane). Solivan also points out that Pentecostalism appealed specifically to the poor and voiceless, offering a meaningful way to organize the politically disenfranchised groups in America like Hispanics. Pentecostalism offered a "purifying element" in the social, political, moral, and religious life -- a purifying element that was a reaction against what was viewed as increased corruption and moral degradation both within and outside of the Catholic Church (Villafane 87).
Pentecostalism is not too radical a departure from Catholicism, though, which allowed large groups of Hispanics within and outside of the United States to embrace it fully and willingly. For instance, "personal relations are paramount for Hispanics, above abstract principles and institutions," (Villafane 113). A need for personal spiritual connections fuels the love of the saints among Catholics, and expresses itself via the intensely personal nature of religious worship in the Pentecostal church. In fact, the emphasis on personal relationship with God is one of the defining features of Pentecostalism. Solivan goes so far as to suggest that "the roots of Hispanic evangelicalism can be traced on the one hand to our Roman Catholic heritage, which is orthodox, and on the other hand to fundamentalist missionary outreach," (33). Both Pentecostalism and Catholicism are "fundamentally orthodox in their theological orientation" (Solivan 33).
However, a sufficient number of converts from Catholicism to Pentecostalism suggests that there are powerful push-pull forces going on; some converts may have been disenchanted with the Catholic Church and simply sought any other alternative. Other converts may have been particularly drawn to the evangelical and charismatic nature of Pentecostalism. After all, there are an estimated 60,000 new conversions from Catholicism to Pentecostalism per year, and it is in general "the fastest-growing denomination in Christianity," (Garza). Much of that Pentecostal growth has come at the expense of the Catholic Church: "the majority of Hispanics in the U.S. are Catholic, but their numbers are expected to decline from 68% in 2006 to 61% by 2030," (Kunerth).
The Pentecostal Church has done much to establish itself firmly within the Hispanic communities of North America. Puerto Rican immigrants played a major role in how the Pentecostal church took root in America, and especially in New York City. Pentecostal churches have played an important role in New York's Latino community: 'The establishment of these churches in the early 1950's was in part the result of a large migration of Puerto Ricans to New York and the Northeast, and the fact that Catholic and other churches weren't welcoming," (Felix Matos Rodriguez, cited by DePalma). Garza argues that keeping Pentecostal services Latin in nature, reflecting the Hispanic culture, "is a big part of the church's appeal," (Garza). One member of the Assemblies of God congregation in Orlando, Florida mentioned "music, the emotional sermons and the emphasis on the Holy Spirit," as reasons for the specific appeal of the Pentecostal church on a personal level. Outward expressions of emotions, like crying during worship, are not felt in a more subdued, somber Catholic sermon.
Catholic Churches are not necessarily threatened by the mass conversions to Pentecostalism. Some Catholic priests claim they can learn from the evangelical and charismatic nature of Pentecostalism and incorporate that into the Catholic liturgy (Kunerth). In fact, one Catholic priest said: "the Catholic church also can do a better job in teaching people how to pray" and even "praised Pentecostals' spontaneous prayer," (Kunerth). Another way Catholic churches are dealing with the defections is political activism: "to create small-group organizations of Hispanic Catholics that serve as cultural and religious support groups for immigrants and new arrivals," (Kunerth).
You’re 85% through this paper. Sign up to read the full paper.
Sign Up Now — Instant Access Already a member? Log inAlways verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.