Media representations of satanic abuse in social science literature

¶ … Satanic Abuse Representations in the Media and Social Science Literature

Throughout history, few things have been able to literally scare the bejabbers out of people as much as reports of satanic abuse in general and in their own communities in particular. Indeed, based on various reports from Europe and North American over the past four centuries, it would seem that when Satan fell from Heaven, he fell directly into many peoples' lives. Even today, isolated but sensationalized reports of satanic abuse can still create the widespread perception that these practices are commonplace and are increasing in prevalence. The hysterical reaction that can sweep through entire communities is proof positive of the continuing relevance of this phenomenon today. Irrespective of the actual reality of the satanic entity, the implications of these reactions for some people are profound and severe and may even cause some people to experience potentially life-threatening mental health issues as a result. To gain some additional insights into these reactions, this paper provides a comparison of satanic abuse representations in the popular media and social science literature, followed by a summary of the research and important findings in the conclusion.

Review and Discussion

During the past three decades or so, clinicians have reported an increase in the numbers of psychiatric patients who have reported suffering some type of satanic ritual abuse in the past, a trend that has fueled a limited amount of research in this area (Leavitt & Labott 1998). In spite of increasing public concern and a heated debate regarding satanic ritual abuse, there remains a dearth of timely and relevant studies concerning this controversial issue (Leavitt 1994). The research to date, though, does seem to indicate that satanic ritual abuse victims share some commonalities that bear further investigation (Leavitt & Labott 1998; Leavitt 1994). Nevertheless, the findings from the studies thus far have been mixed and there remains some dispute concerning the actual factors that contribute to public reactions to reports of satanic abuse and some people appear to be much more susceptible to such reports than others (Kent 1993).

Confounding the analysis of these trends has been the spurious nature of much of the evidence that has been involved. For instance, a study contemporary to the North American satanic ritual abuse hysteria conducted by Cozolino (1989) emphasized that, "The reports are often so bizarre and unsettling that every new disclosure is accompanied by confusion and disbelief. The available knowledge consists primarily of reports of adult survivors and relatives of child victims, as well as police reports and therapeutic case studies" (p. 131). Likewise, many reports of satanic ritual abuse lump these practices in with other paranormal cases such as unidentified flying object abductions (Littlewood 2004). One of the main themes that quickly emerges from the relevant literature on satanic abuse is the difficulty involved in establishing credibility on the part of the witnesses, due in part to the paucity of juried studies in this area. In this regard, Cozolino adds that, "In spite of numerous corroborating reports from various areas of the country, the nature and content of these reports often provoke questions concerning credibility" (p. 131).

What is known for certain is that widespread allegations of satanic child abuse first emerged during the 1980s in North America, followed by other reports from Britain that variously alleged sexual abuse, torture and murder as part of satanic worship rituals (La Fontaine 1998). In response to these reports, a senior British anthropologist, Jean La Fontaine, conducted a 2-year study concerning the satanic ritual abuse allegations and determined they were unsubstantiated (La Fontaine 1998).

Based on her exhaustive examination of case studies and critical review of the literature, La Fontaine concluded that younger subjects did in fact believe the abuses that they were reporting, but their recollections and reports of abuse had been manipulated by adults with apparent ulterior motives. In this regard, La Fontaine suggests that the same type of manipulation has been used throughout history to evoke confessions from otherwise-innocent people with respect to instances of satanic abuse. Likewise, in his book, Satanic Panic: The Creation of a Contemporary Legend, sociologist Jeffrey Victor examines the satanic-cult trends that emerged in North America which were centered in southwestern New York state during the 1980s and also concluded that there is no evidence for the actual existence of satanic ritual abuse by organized satanic cults (Victor 1993).

These findings have been supported or confirmed in a number of other studies as well. For example, in his essay, "Defending a diagnostic pariah: Validating the categorisation of Dissociative Identity Disorder," C.M. Traub (2009) reports that, "In past decades and still, in contemporary society, the notion and validity of the phenomenon of multiple personalities, or dissociative identities, within a single individual, have resulted in much debate and discord among mental health care professionals. Even with diverging opinions on the subject, the current Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders bears proof of the genuine nature of what is now termed Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID)" (p. 347). Notwithstanding this assertion, other authorities cites the continuing debate concerning the "reality" of the phenomenon (Littlewood 2004).

Moreover, Frude (1996) argues that there are significant problems associated with the increased tendency of clinicians to include diagnostic categories such as "ritual abuse" with other categories of child maltreatment, such as physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse and neglect. According to this authority, "Ritual abuse raises a number of special conceptual difficulties and the process of 'diagnosis' (recognizing a case) is beset with problems. Some cases which might be recognized as examples of ritual abuse reflect an abusive motive of the perpetrator, but others do not" (Frude 1996, p. 59). Because every case is unique, Frude (1996) suggests that existing protocols and laws serve as an adequate framework in which to investigate and prosecute cases that may or may not involve satanic ritual abuse without the formulation of an entirely separate diagnostic category for the practice. In this regard, Frude concludes that, "Some actions which might be considered abusive reflect the practices of organized religious groups. Child-protection issues can be adequately addressed in all cases by applying the established categorization system and avoiding the addition of 'ritual abuse' as a separate category" (1996, p. 59).

According to Traub (2009), these knee-jerk reactions to reports of satanic ritual abuse reflect the powerful effect of popular media on shaping medical practice. In fact, Traub (2009) specifically includes the enormous influence of popular media representations of satanic abuse as a contributing factor to its on-again-off-again nature. In this regard, the four factors set forth in Table 1 below are believed to have contributed to the formulation of the DID diagnostic category:

Table 1

Four Factors Contributing to Dissociative Identity Disorder Diagnostic Category

Contributing Factor

Description

Childhood trauma

Traumatic experiences in childhood are commonly held to be the primary cause of this disorder; however, issues arise with regard to the intensity, duration and kind of abuse, as well as the measures in recording such abuse.

Prevalence Ratings

Current prevalence ratings emphasize the dramatic increase of diagnosis in the 1980s, with perspectives supporting both an under- and over-diagnosis of the disorder.

Media Influences

Vast media influences may have played a role in the over-diagnosis of DID, such that the number of cases alters per person, and rates of ritual satanic abuse increased dramatically, with subsequent sharp decline.

Psycho-Physiological Perspectives

Psycho-physiological experimental studies provide some support the validity of this diagnostic category; however, these studies may also simply demonstrate the ability for intense concentration and/or a desire for role-play.

Source: Adapted from Traub 2009, p. 347

In sharp contrast to the approach used by researchers in the social science literature, reports of satanic abuse in the popular media are clearly intended to generate interest, intrigue, and, of course, increasd sales. For instance, in this book, The Witches of Warboys: An Extraordinary Story of Sorcery, Sadism and Satanic Possession, the author, Philip C. Almond, ". . . leads us into a half-forgotten world of horror and crime, of victims and victimizers, of spectres, sex with the devil and 'scratching' the witch: a macabre and dangerous world where nothing is as it seems, where evil begets evil, and where innocence is betrayed" (p. iv). In sum, Almond emphasizes the pervasiveness of beliefs about the existence of Satan even in modern times, a point also made by Segerberg (1997) who reports on the emergence of satanic cults in Finland in recent years. According to Segerberg, "The Satanists [are] mainly adults embracing the philosophical aspects of Satanism with no interest in hurting others, and the devil worshippers of Satanic cults, who accept teenagers into their group and whose activity may take violent forms. The main Satanic cult activity is vandalism, but other activities are now becoming more aggressive: causing bodily and mental harm to members and victims and luring young people into criminal activity" (p. 188).

The implications of these activities on people when reported by the popular media can be profound and severe -- and even life-threatening. For instance, Brion (1993) emphasizes that history is repeating itself today in ways that mirror the warped due process that characterized the Salem witchcraft trials, including:

1. Accusations of deviant behaviour;

2. An ever-widening investigation conducted in an atmosphere of increasing hysteria;

3. Investigation procedures that assume the outcome and encourage accusations, leading to accusations of increasing numbers of individuals for a growing and ever more varied pattern of deviant behaviour;

4. Collapse, either before or after the initiation of the criminal process, of the ensuing web of accusations; and,

5. The emotional, financial, or reputational ruin of the accused with no possibility of redress (p. 227).

Ironically, it would seem that many of the foregoing outcomes are precisely what "Old Scratch" would want and this is the real danger involved in sensationalized media representations of satanic ritual abuse. In this regard, Brion (1993) argues that the fair adjudication of cases involving accusations of satanic ritual abuse is made far more difficult when adults manipulate witnesses and exploit the primal fear that many people have of Satan in the first place to their advantage. While prosecutors would certainly have a legitimate motivation in sorting out the truth, the popular media does not share this goal but is rather driven by a profit motive that involves using sensationalized references to Satan in connection with children whenever possible. In order to avoid interpreting the findings regarding satanic abuse to date in ways that jeopardize potential victims in the future (in other words, the "crying wolf syndrome"), it is important for clinicians and the criminal justice system alike to recognize the potential for such abuse, but to avoid being influenced by sensationalized media accounts of such practices in the past. In this regard, Kern emphasizes that, "The law enforcement profession has neither validated ritual satanic abuse as a widespread condition nor found evidence to support the claims of a national satanic conspiracy" (1994, p. 32). Indeed, this authority specifically cites the lack of evidence-based practices with respect to satanic abuse cases: "The acceptance of such accusations is supported only by mental health professionals, typically without corroborating evidence. This belief in the absence of evidence reverses the burden of proof and has serious implications for the mental health professions and the people they attempt to help" (emphasis added) (Kern 1994, p. 32).

In their zeal to prosecute cases involving perceived satanic ritual abuse, the criminal justice system may become caught up in the same type of overreaction in ways that place victims at increased risk because the actual nature of their abuse is concealed within this very scary, supernatural realm where normal mortals dare not tread, but the mental healthcare community, armed with their hypnotic tools of the trade, stand ready to help victims overcome this natural reluctance in ways that appear to directly influence their perception and interpretation of their experiences as being satanic ritual abuse. For instance, Johnson (1994) reports that, "The way repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse, including ritual satanic abuse, are restored and treated closely resembles the way memories are restored and treated in persons claiming to have been kidnapped by space aliens. The witchcraft trials in seventeenth-century Salem, MA, have similarities to both of these" (p. 41). The "restoration" of repressed memories, though, remains another highly controversial area in the realm of satanic abuse, and the role of the popular media in creating, reinforcing and sustaining these perceptions among especially susceptible individuals is also noted by Johnson (1994). For instance, this author also reports that, "Persons claiming victimization learn of a possible cause for their distress -- from books, authority figures, or other 'victims' -- and find specific persons to blame. Their beliefs are reinforced and validated by therapists, support groups, and to varying degrees, the general community" (Johnson 1994, p. 41).

The dubious role played by the mental health community in not only shaping these responses but in actually creating them in the first place is made clear in a study by Spanos, Burgess and Burgess (1994) wherein the authors report, "People sometimes fantasize entire complex scenarios and later define these experiences as memories of actual events rather than as imaginings [including] memory reports of childhood ritual satanic abuse" (p. 433). The point is made by these researchers that in some cases, so-called "repressed memories" of satanic abuse may be the result of the clinicians' leading questions and attempts to frame victims' responses in terms of ritual satanic abuse. For instance, Spanos et al. add that, "In each case, elicitation of the fantasy events is frequently associated with hypnotic procedures and structured interviews which provide strong and repeated demands for the requisite experiences, and which then legitimate the experiences as 'real memories'" (p. 433).