Transgenerational effects of the Holocaust

Transgenerational Effects of Holocaust

The Holocaust is a painful reminder that humanity can turn upon itself and inflict incomprehensible damage. It undoubtedly altered the course of millions of lives, many of which are still attempting to heal, despite the decades that separate the event from the present. Naturally, survivors of the Holocaust acutely feel the aftermath of this horrific persecution; most describe it as an indelible experience. What is not commonly known, however, is the ripple effect currently underway that impacts the second and also the third generation of individuals whose relatives fell victim to the Holocaust. One researcher perceptively stated it as follows: 'the Holocaust continues to contaminate everyone who was exposed to it in one way or another' (Kellermann, 197). In an attempt to understand the complexity of this phenomenon, it seems prudent to separately examine each generation and the ways in which the Holocaust has affected it and how this transgenerational transmission occurs.

The survivors of the Holocaust are generally divided into two subgroups: children and adults. This is due to the fact that each subpopulation, while sharing some common reactions, exhibits distinct manifestations of the trauma. One study indicates 'the younger the survivor, the more traumatic the circumstances and the more damaging the impact of his or her war experiences' (Kellermann, 207). Holocaust survivors who were children when the war ended, meaning below the age of 16 years, tend to grieve the loss of their childhood innocence. Obviously, normal childhood experiences were denied them and 'as a result, there seems constantly to be an alter ego 'child' within them that searches for (infantile) need satisfaction' (Kellermann, 207). Many child survivors suffer from learned helplessness, which stems from their prior inability to control their surroundings. In addition, it is common for such individuals to feel an acute sense of 'abandonment and isolation' (Kellermann, 207).

Families were commonly separated during the Holocaust, with many relatives never reuniting. This disintegration has created a perpetual mourning, complicated by new separation anxieties. For example, some child Holocaust survivors feel great discomfort when individuals in their current relationships part from them. During the war, many children were obliged to assume false identities in order to avoid persecution. Consequently, they oftentimes have identity complexes. Memory suppression is a common reaction to traumatic experiences. Therefore, it is not unusual to see regressive amnesia in children Holocaust survivors. 'Finally, as a result of overwhelming pain, powerlessness, and isolation, primitive defenses were frequently developed by child survivors in order to survive emotionally' (Kellermann, 209). This is evident in the pervasive emotional numbness from which such individuals suffer. It also accounts for the tendency to maintain superficial relationships. This is a protective measure, as they do not want to subject themselves to emotional entanglement, which in the past exposed them to painful separations.

As previously mentioned, adult survivors of the Holocaust exhibit different reactions to their wartime tragedies than their younger counterparts. Some use black humor to ease an otherwise unbearable situation (Klein). Immediately following liberation, 'an extreme sense of insecurity resulted in the need to search for someone, somewhere, who might by a miracle still be alive' (Eitinger, 1429). For many, this uncertainty persists today. As one researcher indicates, adult Holocaust survivors regard highly a sense of normalcy (Bender). This means that despite internal suffering, they attempt to externally appear well-adjusted and functional.

In addition, such individuals tend to use external markers to determine their identities, values, and successes. In fact, one researcher found that social status was extremely important to first-generation survivors (Bender). After extended periods of abnormal and inhumane living conditions, adult Holocaust survivors submerged confused about their values and as such, used society as a reference point, even if they would otherwise have conflicted with their pre-war ideas and beliefs. Sleep disturbances are frequent as is depression and irrational anxieties. Oftentimes flashbacks occur, especially during stressful situations.

While in some respects the responses to the Holocaust differ between child and adult survivors, and clearly there are individual variations as well, it is nonetheless evident these groups share some residual effects. Both sets contain individuals who experience selective amnesia, nightmares, 'survivor guilt' (Kellermann, 202), anger management issues, isolation, and distrust. There are some triggers, such as 'crowded trains, barking dogs, discarded food, and barbed wire' (Kellermann, 202) that induce panic attacks. Even seemingly positive occasions, like birthdays, weddings, and holidays can provoke feelings of grief as they remind survivors of the absence of loved ones who disappeared or perished in the Holocaust (Kellermann).

While it is logical that Holocaust survivors underwent severe alterations due to this traumatic experience, 'what is less well-known about Holocaust survivors is that the impact of the Holocaust and trauma was passed on to subsequent generations' (Bender, 205). In other words, although the children of Holocaust survivors did not directly suffer the tragedy, they nevertheless experienced it vicariously through their parents. This transmission of the influences of the Holocaust on the children of survivors has been termed transgenerational effects. 'Transgenerational effects can refer to transmission of trauma (e.g., a second generation child has nightmares of concentration camps although she never experienced the camps) as well as specific thought processes and behaviors that are thought to be passed down because of parental experiences during and after the war (e.g., a third-generation survivor believes that social status is the most important indicator of success in a particular society)' (Bender, 206).

Due to their traumatic experiences, some Holocaust survivor parents tend to be so over-protective that it sometimes stifles the emotional and psychological growth of their children. As already mentioned, Holocaust survivors may repress the painful experiences to which they succumbed, which results in limited communication. It is not surprising then that survivor children tend to exhibit communication problems. In addition, Holocaust survivors often transfer their anxiety to their children. A sense of bereavement, which is common and natural among victims of such cruelty, also affects the emotional development of the second generation. What's more, children tend to feel guilty over their parents' experiences. This is not always the case, however, as 'surveys outside of Israel report the existence of feelings of shame and embarrassment with regard to the survivor parents' (Nathan, 1433). Some parents place unreasonably high expectations on their children; this places additional stress on the latter and can result in guilt, sorrow, and outbursts of aggression when they are not able to reach such unrealistic goals (Nathan). Despite all these obstacles, the importance of having grandparents for the third generation is a prevalent theme for many of the second generation' (Bender, 209).