The US Expanded Effort against Boko Haram Introduction

The Nigerian nation has, for long, been burdened by ethno- religious violence and communal conflicts. For instance, in the country’s middle belt (i.e., Plateau state), several outbreaks of gory violence have been witnessed between diverse communities, ever since the democratic system of governance was reinstituted in the country in the year 1999. Furthermore, the urban hubs – Kano and Kaduna – have faced riots as well, with a conflict simmering in Bauchi’s Tafawa Balewa district for many decades now. To outsiders, the conflict may seem to be grounded in religious differences, i.e., tensions arising between the blocs of Christian and Muslim citizens of the country. But a closer look at the goings- on reveals that politics — or to be more precise, the government patronage control — is largely to blame for these conflicts. Moreover, election- related disagreements have resulted in breakdowns along Christian and Muslim, as has been witnessed in the polls of 2011, when youngsters of south Kaduna went wild. The eruption of violence in such situations generally springs from one particular group asserting governmental apparatus control over the remaining groups in an ethnically diverse and highly heterogeneous region of the country (Walker, 2012, p. 2).

Of late, the US has been collaborating with the Nigerian government in its efforts to combat the Boko Haram terror outfit. The government of America considers Boko Haram to be an entity threatening its African interests, besides posing a potential threat to America as well. In November of 2013, the American government labeled the Boko Haram outfit an ‘FTO’ (Foreign Terrorist Organization). Nigeria being the most densely inhabited country and the largest democracy in the African continent, the American government considers it an important strategic partner which plays a major role in continent- wide peacekeeping efforts, and is a critical trade, direct investment and economic growth partner for America. As asserted by a senior official within the American government, one among the most prioritized subjects of US foreign policy with regard to Africa is security and peace in the Nigerian nation (McQuaid & Asfura-Heim, 2015, p. 2).

The regions suffering from the impacts of Boko Haram violence are inhabited by roughly thirty million individuals. This violence has given rise to a humanitarian crisis in the Lake Chad area, displacing over 2.8 million innocent individuals and cutting off a further three million individuals (approximately) from humanitarian access. According to United Nations statistics, over 5.6 million individuals in the area require emergency food assistance. The majority of displaced individuals have been provided shelter by host communities; they don’t reside in camps. Almost 1.6 million citizens of Nigeria who have been displaced have made off to Maiduguri – capital of Borno state – which also suffers from ongoing bombings, in spite of the Nigerian army’s expanded presence in the area. The UNHCR claims that the extensive military operations conducted by Nigeria’s armed forces has just as much a disruptive impact on daily life in the country as...

The attacks by the Boko Haram have inflicted damage on the nation’s roads, schools, residences, hospitals and markets, deterring displaced citizens’ return. The UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund) believes Boko Haram violence has brought about the closure of over two thousand schools in the country, disrupting over 1 million children’s education (Blanchard, 2016, p. 4).
International Refugee Law

According to the Convention of 1951, once a refugee passes into the territory of any nation who is party to this convention, they get to instantly derive benefits from specific rights; also, additional rights accrue due to the duration and nature of their attachment with the country providing refuge (Hathaway, 2005, p. 155). Hathaway (2005) differentiates between 5 different attachment levels that accord refugees with distinct levels of rights that span from the refugee bound by the nation’s jurisdiction to an exclusive collection of rights reserved solely for refugees able to prove that they have taken up durable residence within the state. Divergent views may be found on refugee attachment level with host nation necessary for enjoying the right to free movement (as outlined in the convention’s 26th Article) (Maple, 2016, p. 5).

Are developing countries merely mimicking the approaches of the western world when it comes to the freedom of movement of refugees? That is, are such effective movement restrictions not restricted to the given sample but actually prevail in other areas of Africa and beyond? It has been suggested that by limiting the ability of working and aiding education and healthcare efforts, American and European countries might be engaging in similar de facto freedom of movement limitations. For instance, it has been commonly witnessed among European resettlement cases that support and service access is linked only to the area or city the refugee is directed to reside in, decreasing their likelihood of any secondary movements in the region or nation (Maple, 2016, p. 26).

International Law and US policy

Chad’s refugees have scant hopes of attaining any durable solution. Darfur’s continued intra- community fights and disputes occurring within northern Nigeria and CAR render voluntary repatriation an unlikely option for most refugees.

Refugee Law National legislation. The 1996 Constitution of Chad provides for political asylum, besides prohibiting political refugees’ deportation. Implementation of a draft refugee law in the nation has been put off since the year 2007 (Zetter & Ruaudel, 2016, p. 12).

Access to protection. Most refugees who come in from the southern CAR and the Eastern Sudani nations are allowed prima facie entry, thereby being automatically accepted by the Chad government as refugees and having access to the nation’s educational and healthcare services. Refugees in urban areas are bound by the process of refugee status determination via CNARR. After gaining approval, they also begin to enjoy the rights enjoyed by prima facie refugees (Zetter & Ruaudel, 2016, p. 13).

Freedom of movement. Though Chad belongs to the Community of Sahel- Saharan States, implying…