Gender Dynamics and Value in Gawan Society

Native Perspectives on Gender and Equality

To truly understand the gender dynamics of a society, it is important to first examine the native point of view within this dynamic. Munn largely asserts that the Gawans did not explicitly differentiate between the two genders, and although they associated different tasks with each gender, they nevertheless perceived them to be of equal standing. Munn delves into the cognitive approaches of the Gawans by examining their perception that every individual, regardless of gender, possessed a theory of mind, which further translated into an individual opinion and perception. Every individual had the right to influence each other's perception, but never to undermine it. It is only in witchcraft that the victim's sovereign will is undermined. Hence, females are attributed with the same autonomy as males, and this autonomy is not undermined in any way.

However, there is a clear difference in the distribution of work. Although gardening is done by both genders, men undertake yam gardening because it involves heavier labor. Similarly, household work and the upbringing of children is largely undertaken by women. A reflection of this division of tasks can also be seen in the process of childbirth. Although the birth of the child and pregnancy rest on the shoulders of women, men are involved in a different kind of labor: building a house for the birthing to take place in. These tasks may be evaluated in terms of the value produced—a point explored later in this analysis.

Munn notes that tasks undertaken by men call for "more comprehensive spatiotemporal conditions," whereas tasks undertaken by women are more "sedentary." Women are more frequently restricted within the hamlet, whereas activities of men are more mobile and energetic, moving out into the "outer domain" of the society. In relation to marriage transactions, Gawans claim to have no ulterior motive behind marriage, such as gaining influence or power. Munn does not critique this claim, despite simultaneously noting that the ultimate goal of Gawan men is to claim fame and gain influence. It is interesting to note that men do not strive to achieve this through their affinal ties; gender relations stay out of the domain of influence and power. If anything, the male is obliged to bring his own kinspeople and their spouses to work for his affines, thereby increasing the power of the female's side of the family.

Marriage residence patterns further illustrate the complexity of gender dynamics in Gawan society. It is not necessary for the bride to move into her husband's home after marriage; instances occur when the opposite happens. At the time of birthing, however, the female returns to her father's hamlet regardless. Munn identifies that locals used the metaphor of land being associated with women because it stays in one place, whereas the canoe is associated with men because they travel. This metaphor is significant: the land provides food, shelter, and a place to exist, whereas a canoe is merely a way to move from land to land. This immediately places females at the center of society—a positioning that warrants deeper exploration across other social processes.

Gawans are constantly engaged in the search to create and evaluate value within the performance of certain tasks. The measurement of value in Western society is done through monetary transaction; however, the realization of value takes on different dynamic forms in other societies. After close analysis, a pattern emerges: the value associated with a task or entity is the sum of the value produced at each level of the process, with the starting point having the most value and value adding at a decreasing rate at each subsequent level.

Value Generation and Foundational Work

The Kula exchange system illustrates this principle. The Kula is at its highest value at the point of transaction, but the largest amount of value was generated when the Kula was conceived—a task that, although not undertaken by Gawans themselves, is associated with the sedentary work of manufacturing linked to women. On the flip side, the excursion to acquire shells reaches its highest value when a shell has been acquired. Yet the largest amount of value was generated at the point where the food was prepared for this transaction, without which the venture could not have taken place at all.

Munn relates an incident in which male members were involved in building a canoe, but the task could only be completed when a woman who had just given birth rubbed blood and seminal fluids from her genitals onto the canoe. Munn connected this to the general view that men are ignorant and that without the consent and guidance of females, no task can be completed. This supports the assertion that the largest generation of value occurs at the grass-root level—it is the point of consent and guidance on the part of females that actually generates the highest level of value.

The value added by women is more generic and often permanent. Men must create their value through the process of Kula transactions and acquiring fame. Female value, by contrast, is created in the mundane tasks that they perform daily and comes to them naturally. The value created by women—and furthermore, the value of women themselves—is hence immortal and will always hold a vital place within the structures of society, regardless of the ongoing dynamics of the exchange system.

Gender Roles in Exchange Systems

Munn portrays exchange processes as being predominantly male-dominated activities. However, when broken down into their constituent processes, there is a great deal of female involvement that tends to be at the core of the entire system. One of the most important factors that enable the system to function is the role of food distribution. Hospitality is central to the Kula system of exchange, and women are entirely at the core of this practice. When the transaction is taking place, food is exchanged alongside shells. The task of cooking is attributed to females within the society. Women are the ones who spend their afternoons in the kitchen, not only cooking food for daily consumption but also for these ceremonial exchanges.

The act of persuasion to convince fellow men to hand over the shells is also accomplished with the help of food distribution. Hence, without the presence of this entity, the process itself would be impossible to complete. This phenomenon automatically places the female at the center of these dynamics. They are the core from which this activity stems and the ones who put the spatiotemporal transformation carried out by men into play. When taken at face value, food is a perishable good as opposed to the non-perishable shells and canoes. Despite this, not only is its presence as important as the presence of shells or canoes, but it is also the starting point through which the entire process is carried out.

In investigating the role of women within exchange processes, Munn's description of arm shells being associated with males and necklaces being associated with women becomes significant. The arm shells are hung within the household, whereas the necklaces are used by women for self-decoration. Interestingly, the necklaces are harder to acquire than the arm shells and therefore maintain superior control of the motion and cycle of exchange. In turn, women are automatically in a higher position of power, being in possession of the superior entity. Although negotiation between men leads to the transaction, the necklaces ultimately lie with the woman. This perfectly illustrates the idea of women being the interior and men the exterior: the value lies in the necklace held by the woman, but how that value is deployed is handled by men.

Munn also emphasizes the importance of female consent in these transactions. Female consent is given utmost importance at the point of any transaction. In examining the systems of canoe transaction more closely, Munn notes that canoes are transacted over affinal ties, putting females at the center of transactions not only as the recipients of these canoes but also as a means of extending the canoe paths across different dalas and different items. Although it is the named canoe from the men's side that moves, it follows a path formed by the ties associated with women.