Cultural Identity Development

Abstract
This paper addresses the significance of ethnic or cultural identity. It deals with the identity of socially advantaged as well as disadvantaged groups and my relation to them. Additionally, it highlights the significance of the self-identity concept. The Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI), put forward by Smith, Sellers, Shelton and colleagues (1998), has been utilized to address all of the above aspects. The paper further explains the model, applying its dimensions to various self-identity aspects. Finally, the paper delves into the way such identity-related aspects intersect with one another.
Introduction
Identity is multifaceted in nature: it may be relational and circumstantial, as well as concurrently permanent, changing and dynamic. Identity development occurs via a process of socialization. It may or may not be self-established. It is, rather frequently, employed in the labeling and categorization of persons believed to possess oppositional or dual differences. Additionally, identity represents a construct applied in creating social orders of dominance and persecution, characterized by some groups being at an advantage in terms of influence and freedom and others, concurrently, being less fortunate (Babbitt, 2013). In this paper, the subject of development of cultural identity and connected issues will be discussed. Moreover, this paper will facilitate an understanding of my own cultural identity through the application of a model of cultural identity development.
Summary of GSA Self-Assessment
The foremost step to become a culturally sensitive and proficient counselor in a multicultural setting is: self-examination, which encompasses understanding of one's cultural identity, characteristics, prejudices, principles, and views (Pamela, 2008). In the society that I am a part of, my African-American cultural/racial community is regarded as a minority community. With regard to age, I am a part of the dominant age group of adults. Further, I have no disabilities. With regard to spirituality and my religious background, my community is neutral. With regard to racial/ethnic identity, I belong to a non-dominant population, namely, people of color. If one looks at my social class, one will see that I belong to the dominant population of upper middle class persons. My gender orientation is also dominant in society (I am a heterosexual person). With regard to indigenous background-related cultural identity, my own is neutral. As I was born in America, my nationality coincides with that of the society's dominant population. Furthermore, my gender expression as well as gender identity lie within society's dominant group (I am male, possessing masculine expression). Lastly, while my weight (I am more toward the higher end of the body mass index) means that with regard to body size, I belong to the non-dominant cluster, my society pertaining to birth-assigned gender is neutral.
Educational level represents one means of identifying the dominant or privileged population in my society, and I regard myself a part of this educated group. First, I am fortunate to have graduated from reputable colleges/universities. Further, the social class that I am a part of is not perceived as inferior by society. However, as I am African-American, I consider myself a part of a non-privileged racial community in several ways. Absence of influence and authority constitutes one among the non-dominant population identities I identify with. Privileged (majority/white) racial group members are able to avail themselves of numerous benefits owing to their association with the more dominant part of the nation's power system. Meanwhile, those hailing from more marginalized communities, such as me, are incapable of acquiring power easily. In addition, African-Americans exhibit greater likelihood of having low accessibility when it comes to well-paid employment and renowned educational institutions. Meanwhile, the mainstream American population (i.e., White Americans) displays greater likelihood of claiming that African-Americans mainly struggle with progressing in their educational lives and career because of their unstable households and absence of excellent role models. White and African American adults alike, who claim that their racial background interferes with the latter's ability to succeed, display equal likelihood of stating that a key reason is the low motivation to exert efforts in order to succeed.
A consideration of my personal identity and status hierarchy will lead one to realize that I consider being an American citizen tops the list (which is so I bear in mind my extant standing of great power, prestige, and opportunity, when compared to others). The above realization further helps me keep in mind others' disadvantaged and needy situation. A point to note here is that, our community boasts the most diverse and richest background among all ethnic groups in the nation (as well as surrounding nations). African Americans' roots may be traced back to several kingdoms of old, like the Asante, Mali, Songhai, Dahomey, Oyo, Kongo, Kuba, Benin, and Futa Jallon. Virtually all African groups across the globe have been victims of some or other form of American racism. While they may have had different experiences, every individual with African roots has suffered from some or other form of racial discrimination and persecution (Wong, 2016). With the use of the above understanding and perspective, I can begin deconstructing hierarchies in my own social and personal life. 
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI)
MMRI is the model that will be applied in this paper. Proposed by Shelton, Smith, Sellers, and coworkers (1998), the MMRI model offers a theoretical basis to understanding the importance of race within Black Americans' self-concepts as well as qualitative meanings ascribed by them to belonging to this racial group. Alongside the above theoretical basis, a mechanism is put forward whereby racial identity impacts the contextual evaluations and conduct of individuals. The MMRI combines a couple of earlier-separate identity construction perspectives, described by the theorists as the underground and the mainstream. While the former perspective de-stresses extrinsic elements, shifting attention to what being an African American means, the latter's emphasis is structural variables as well as negative self-concept development as a reaction to structural racial discrimination and other such factors. Furthermore, the latter model assumes common racism and race related features (Sellers, Smith, Shelton, et al., 1998).
Mainstream approach. According to Allport (1954), residing within a racially discriminative society has to negatively impact the spirit and personality of Black Americans. Consequently, the theorist believed Black Americans were either coerced into devaluing self-related facets which brought to mind the stigmatization wrought upon their community or into devaluing mainstream society owing to its bias against the Black American community, for functioning. The above idea of a stigmatized and unwholesome identity is in line with dominant conceptualizations of Black Americans' self-concept before the latter part of the 60s decade (Clark, 1965; R. Horowitz, 1939; Kardiner & Ovesey, 1951). Thus, the major part of initial studies into Black racial identity, done from the point of view of the mainstream American population, assumed that self-hate was a major element of Blacks' self-concept (Cross, 1991). To mainstream research scholars, Black racial identity merely represents one of the examples of such processes. Hence, the mainstream ethnic/racial identity perspective typically revolves around how important ethnic/racial backgrounds are to the lives of individuals (Sellers et al, 1998).
Underground approach. This approach stresses on Black racial identity's specificity. Attention is paid to describing what being Black means. That is, this theory presents identity profiles pertaining to individuals' beliefs and views linked to their belonging to the African American community. Such profiles can differ based on development of individual identity or experiencing a conducive, supportive sociocultural atmosphere (Baldwin, 1984; Kambon, 1992). While the previous (mainstream) perspective's chief focus is questions concerning identity processes' internal validity, this perspective's chief concern is examining identity models' predictive validity (Sellers et al, 1998). As a male member of the African-American community, I opted for the MMRI model owing to both its empirical consistency and its natural suitability to my individual situation.
The MMRI has the following four dimensions: Racial significance, racial regard, racial doctrine, and racial centrality.
Racial significance. This entails contextual facets of a person's racial identity, revolving around circumstantial cues at a given instance of time that people interpret (Sellers et al., 1998).
Racial centrality. This is regarded as being stable over various scenarios and acknowledges identities' hierarchical position in the key self-concept of the individual (Rowley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, 1998). Racial regard denotes evaluative opinions of persons on their own race, which can be positive or negative.
Private regard. The dimension of private regard may be defined as personal feelings relating to belonging to the African American racial group. On the other hand, public regard reflects a person’s view on the way African Americans are perceived by others, collectively (Sellers et al., 1998).
Racial doctrine. This dimension denotes attitudes about Black American interactions with other members of the society, and encompasses four viewpoints: nationalist, assimilationist, humanist, and oppressed minority (Shelton & Sellers, 2000). The model's conceptualization of racial identity is: racial identity takes the form of a process using which circumstantial cues work together with consistent dimensions for ascertaining how far one believes race is important at the time of a particular event, and reacts in accordance with that (Sellers et al., 1998).
Application of the Model to my Identity
The previous section explains the MMRI model's dimensions. Of the four, I have experienced two in my lifetime, namely racial regard and racial salience. The latter covers contextual facets of a person's racial identity, revolving around circumstantial cues at a given instance of time that people interpret, and changes based on context. I experience racial salience by, on occasion, identifying myself more with my racial group. This occurs when I encounter racist comments or subtler signs like micro-aggression. The feeling of camaraderie with other members of my racial community and, on a broader platform, with other non-Whites, increases when I experience racial discrimination. This is circumstantial.
Racial regard denotes feelings of an individual pertaining to his/her race (Sellers et al., 1997; Sellers et al., 1998). Akin to centrality, this component is also perceived to play a predominant role in the underground perspective, when examining African American identity. Several research scholars who have applied the perspective indicate a more favorable regard proves crucial to a healthy African American identity. This component is classified into public and private racial regard (Sellers et al., 1998). The former concerns how one believes others view him/her owing to his/her belonging to a particular race, whereas the latter implies how one feels about belonging to the racial population (Sellers et al., 1998). With regard to my own private regard, I think very highly of the Black race and am full of pride when it comes to my roots. But identifying with my professional identity occasionally takes precedence over my racial identity to become the key aspect of my self-image. In some scenarios, I need to maintain low private regard for handling different situations and merging with the majority. Similarly, gender also assumes precedence in identity, on occasion. The MMRI model permits these identity construction fluctuations, though along some distinct, quantifiable dimensions such as regard, salience, centrality, and ideology (Sellers, Smith, Shelton, et al., 1998).
The MMRI model has offered me huge insights. Multidimensionality reflects the intrinsic complexity of living in the United States. In addition, this model takes into account individuals' differences in social situation, childhood, and personality. In the role of counselor, this model can prove valuable to me when dealing with clients belonging to different backgrounds. Not every person understands racial identity's importance until he/she intentionally thinks about it, just as a large number of males are oblivious to their male privilege till they ponder over scenarios wherein their being a man allows them to access power and other rewards. A second important lesson obtained from a study of the MMRI is: every racial identity is not created in opposition. Several individuals such as I have developed a robust self-image owing to being well-aligned with being an African American and not disagreeing with the importance of structural elements which may inadvertently or consciously shape one's life choices.
Multiple elements of my personal identity, like gender, racial background, gender orientation, and social class intersect with one another to make me who I am. That is, I describe myself as heterosexual African-American man. My sexual orientation and gender put me at an advantage, from time to time. Occasionally, I face racial bias, which is unavoidable if I need to live in this society. The above components of my individual identity make me understand that I shouldn't and won't do so with others. There is a need for extensive racial and cultural acceptance.
Conclusion
Diversity encompasses incorporating differences in inter-group beliefs as well as in-group differences which move a society forward from rigid, narrow racial identity treatment. In the current age, several individuals continue to struggle with supposedly contradictory ethnic and national identities, a phenomenon that is particularly true in the case of the US, whose historical experiences have wrought a sort of "double consciousness", according to W.E.B. Du Bois (Wong, 2017). In conclusion, the topic of racial identity is sensitive in nature, and one needs to have sufficient self-confidence to confront diverse consequences arising as a response to self-related aspects.
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