European Union and Turkey There

European Union and Turkey

There are controversial issues surrounding Turkey's accession to the EU taking into account the different forces inside the communitarian forum. However, it can be said that the Muslin country has enough attributes to be considered for membership of the European Union. Still, in order to have a better view at the importance of the country for the European forum, it is essential that one particular aspect be taken into account. In this sense, the way in which the foreign policy of the European Union is developing, the Turkish accession may represent one of its most important attributes. More precisely, given the fact that the new threats of security come from the Middle East or so it seems after recent reports, the adherence of the Turkish state to both continents and to different cultures can prove to be a connection point which would be useful for the foreign policy of the EU in the future. Nonetheless, it is important that such aspects, as well as political, economic, and cultural ones related to the Middle East policy of the European Union be taken into account.

There are several aspects to be taken into consideration when discussing the matter of the Turkish accession. On the one hand there is the economic issue which is of great concern for the EU officials but of interest as well. Therefore the debate focuses on the impact it would have on the EU. Thus, it is considered that the Turkish state would be the main beneficiary. Still, "Turkey will benefit from (the EU accession) depend (ing) on a number of fluctuating factors, such as the EU policies and the potential specific arrangements agreed as part of accession negotiations" (Jung and Kubacek, 2005). Therefore it is rather hard to determine the actual impact Turkey will have and the EU membership in its turn for both sides. From an economic point-of-view, Turkey is an important labor market, consumer market. From the EU's point-of-view, Turkey can be a too important labor force that could destabilize the European market and reduce the overall wages. At the same time, it can be a too large manufacturer which can seriously compete with the possibilities of the rest of the European countries.

Indeed, from the point-of-view of the economic aspect, there are both pros and cons related to the Turkish accession. On the other hand, in terms of the foreign policy, the situation is relatively clear on the idea that the European Union, taking into account the security environment in the last years, needs the Turkish state. However, this aspect is not left without controversy. Therefore, the political problems Turkey has with the Kurdish population, with Greece, and Cyprus are considered to be milestones which the country must overpass in order to enter the EU. In this sense, "mostly defended by the continent's Christian Democrats, bringing in Turkey would amount to importing Middle Eastern problems to a peaceful Europe" (Taspinar, 2003). Therefore, it is important to point out the fact that Turkey is seen to a large extent from the perspective of the foreign policy of the European Union and in terms of the relations this country has with the Middle East.

The current problems and issues facing the European Union are rather hard to identify in precise methodological issues. However, a general overview of the EU's foreign policy in regard to the Middle East is important. Thus, "the South and East Mediterranean and the Middle East is an area of vital strategic importance to the European Union, which both the EU Council and the European Commission have identified as key external relations priority for the EU" (the European Commission, n.d.). The Barcelona Process has been an important initiative for the European Union taking into consideration the fact that the colonial regimes have left behind a series of countries which are still connected from political and economic points-of-view to their former colonial empires. In this sense, for instance Algeria or Morocco are strongly connected to the French Republic, one of the strong supporters of the Mediterranean partnership.

The issue of the Turkish relations however must be seen from a different point-of-view. The geopolitical context plays a significant role in the way in which the European Union decided to advance the negotiation talks in 2005 and present Turkey with the possibility of accession. In this sense, the 9/11 events have demonstrated that the terrorist threat and especially the Middle East represent a crucial aspect which must be taken into consideration when drafting any set of foreign policy. If in the context of the military issues the Middle East raises the North Atlantic Organization is ready to accommodate any need available and most of the threats present for the Euro-Atlantic environment, for the European level, the Turkish accession would ensure the direct dialogue between the two areas of discussion, the European Union and the Middle East.

It is important for the European identity that the communitarian forums have a direct link with the Middle East because the valences of security today imply the actual communication with the region. In this sense, the terrorist threat which is now a reality for the European continent once the Madrid and the London bombings brought the EU in the spotlight of the terrorist phenomenon can be tackled in a wider framework. Thus, "Turkey has historically been of great geopolitical importance to states in the regions surrounding it as well as to states more remotely located. As a member of NATO during the Cold War it was a geopolitical asset to the Western bloc as a strong ally in close proximity to the Soviet Union. With the fall of the Warsaw Pact, this consideration disappeared. However, Turkey has regained its geopolitical importance for other reasons." (Tekin and Walterova, 2007)

One of the reasons for the political interest in Turkey is therefore the geopolitical one. This is a major attribute for the country because it links "Europe to the Middle East and the Caspian Basin (which have the most important oil reserves in the world), the Mediterranean Basin, the Black Sea Basin and the Turkish Straits" (Turkey's geopolitical importance, n.d.). despite the fact that some may argue against the integration of the Turkish state in the European Union precisely because it would bring about the conflicts which reside in the area of the Caspian sea or other regions in which frozen conflicts may at any time be reopened, it is important that Turkey be accepted taking into account the EU's desire to deal with such conflicting zones in an attempt to ensure the peace in the neighboring regions. From this point-of-view, Turkey would be an important asset.

Another major point which can determine the Turkish presence as a full member is the current situation with Cyprus. It is a rather well-known fact the idea that the European Union can be an environment of peace and stability. The unification of the German state following the end of the Cold represents an eloquent example in this sense. Thus, despite the fact that the two sides of the country had been separated through political ideologies, an economic practice, as well as social mentalities, the reunification of the German state was accomplished inside the European Communities (Calvocoressi, 1996). Thus, the fact that all states are subject to the same laws and regulations, as well as similar considerations related to democracy and human rights is an essential factor for the way in which unity can be achieved in a region. Taking this example, the history for the Turkish Cypriot conflict can be a determinant factor for the stability of the region (Barkey and Gordon, 2001). Thus, should the EU decide to see beyond the diplomatic difficulties Greece and Turkey experience at this moment over Cyprus, it can be that the entrance of Turkey in the EU would stabilize the situation.

Another perspective is important at this point. The European Union, as stated by Robert Kagan represents an element of soft power and diplomatic means rather than military ones. In the case of Cyprus, it is considered that should the interest be strong enough there would be a possible diplomatic solution which would be supported and discussed inside the European Union and not tin international forums which have little importance for the way in which decisions are actually taken at the highest levels. Therefore a potential inclusion of the turkey would be for the Cypriot case an internal affair for the Union and would be dealt with other means. Thus, "in respect to the entrenched conflict of the region, the problem of Cyprus, the EU may end up having a positive impact. (...) the EU has been a critical catalyst in bringing about the circumstances that have led the two parties to submitting the plan (the Annan Plan) to referendum" (Kirisci, 2004, 207).

In regard to the offers made by the European Union in terms of the way in which conflicts can be solved on the European continent as well as in the world, it is quite clear that the EU and the U.S. have two different approaches. While the EU represents the "soft power" the United States is the proponent of the "hard power" (Kagan, 2003). However, it is considered that the issue of soft power is representative for the way in which states would later on develop their foreign policy and their strategic coordinates. However, in the case of Iraq and Iran it can be said that the current hard power approach cannot be used to the maximum because the U.S. In particular does not take into consideration the actual implications of culture, for instance. On the other hand however, the soft power of the EU could make better use of the influence and position of Turkey in the attempt to deal with issues such as terrorism,

However, one of the most important aspects of the geopolitical position of Turkey is its closeness to Iraq and Iran. Since the 9/11 attacks these two countries and the Middle Eastern region are considered to be of maximum risk for the European Union but more importantly for the EU. Indeed, it is often considered that the issue of terrorism affect the EU to a smaller scale that the U.S. And for the EU there is little need to take serious measures to counter the phenomenon. Yet, recent events have proven that this policy is by no means a viable one in the conditions in which the EU demands to have a particular defense identity, one which is not connected to the U.S. (Kagan, 2003). It is a matter of European identity and in terms of the security threats there are too many opinions and the need for a single voice. Therefore, should there be a strong connection point with the Middle East through Turkey the dialogue would be ensured much easier because there would be an unmediated relation between the two.

Another aspect of the necessity of the European Union to integrate Turkey in its communitarian structures is the issue related to the democratization of the Middle East area. Indeed, it is rather hard to consider the fact that a state which is experiencing problems in its own political and social structures would be a useful tool for the promotion of democracy elsewhere. However, the Turkish accession demands a certain sense of consolidation of the democratic process. In this sense thus, "the consolidation process is much more likely to be successful if the EU does start accession negotiations with Turkey (...) the current government extremely aware of this reality has embarked upon policies, especially in the foreign policy arena that one could not have dreamed of" (Kirisci, 2004, 215).

The European Union has long desired to expand the horizons of its construction. The current situation of the European Communities is both an intergovernmental one and a supranational one. However, there are more and more aspects which must be addressed at the supranational level. Depending on the opinions stated at the national levels, there can be more pros than cons in regard to the issue of increasing the supranational level of discussion inside the Union. Nonetheless, the issue of foreign policy has yet to surpass the desires of the national states to maintain at least some of the attributes of a sovereign state. Even so, the issue of Turkey can be subscribed both to the issue of the supranational dimension of the EU's security as well as the national one. In this sense, more precisely, the New Neighborhood policy of the EU "accession to membership is ruled out, for the non-European Mediterranean countries; but for other cases remain open, such as those European countries which have clearly stressed their desire to join the EU" (Tashan, 2004). However, in order to have such a partnership viable it is important that a greater cultural diversity exist in the European Union so that partner states and future members have an element with which they can identify.