This paper examines two major theoretical frameworks—phenomenological aging theory and life-span developmental theory—and applies them to the growing discussion of health technology for older adults. Drawing on academic research, an Intel global initiative, and AARP advocacy materials, the paper argues that much existing literature adopts a phenomenological stance by treating elderly people as a homogeneous group whose technology use is narrowly defined by serious health decline. In contrast, life-span developmental models, rooted in Erikson's stages and extended by Heckhausen et al.'s Motivational Theory of Life-Span Development, support a broader, more individualized view of how older adults engage with technology across varied personal goals and circumstances.
Theoretical perspectives on aging seem to suggest that people are either almost completely controlled by the social and normative expectations of being elderly, or that they are motivated by their own cycles of goals, outcomes, and expectations. The phenomenological perspective of aging is an example of the first of these viewpoints. Life-span developmental models represent the second.
This paper reviews these two theoretical perspectives in regard to the newly emerging issue of technology's influence on the health of aging people. It first examines the theoretical frameworks, then assesses how different types of articles approach the topic. Some tend to favor the phenomenological perspective, often assuming that older people are a unified group that engages with technology only in regard to serious health and care considerations. Other scientific and advocacy materials, on the other hand, approach their concerns from a life-span development perspective, questioning the assumption that technology is only appropriate for disabling health concerns.
"Social phenomenologists focus their attention on ideas and presumed facts about ageing and how these are understood by the people who experience ageing" (Pierce and Timonen, n.d., p. 3). From this mindset, older people are seen as being less agile than younger people, and so they tend to engage in activities that require less agility. Similarly, because older people may be working less, they may find significantly different levels of interest in certain kinds of tools, such as what technology has to offer today (Roupa et al., 2010, p. 119).
The phenomenological approach sees the world as a nearly complete social construct; those who function within these settings respond to the normative expectations that guide the context (Wertz, n.d.). It is not about genetic or psychological constructs in the way that other theories are. If older people are expected to act in a certain way, that is presumably what they do. Personal and even collective needs and interests of a given group can be identified by studying what people do and aligning those behaviors with social perceptions (Wertz, n.d.). The individual becomes what is expected because of their circumstances and lives life based on the experiences that result. Those who study issues from this perspective expect to hear opinions from their subjects that mirror lived experience. In an era when health care and technology are preeminent topics, it is not surprising that both issues rise to the top of what elderly individuals themselves report (Pierce and Timonen, n.d., p. 5). The phenomenological perspective faces particular challenges given the fast-paced changes that technology continues to offer.
The life-span development perspective is quite different. It assumes that people evolve over the course of their lifetimes from one level of development to something more advanced, based on either internal (psychological or biological) or external (social) factors. This movement grew out of the works of Erikson and others (Brown and Lowis, 2003). Erikson saw human progress as developing through a series of steps across the age levels commonly associated with our early years. His framework identified "eight separate stages of development spanning from birth (basic trust vs. mistrust) to an age commencing at about 65 years (ego integrity vs. despair)" (Brown and Lowis, 2003, p. 416). From growing into childhood and then adulthood, people progress through each stage until they face a conflict arising from their sense that they have attained all they can at that level. This conflict forces movement to a more advanced stage in which individuals respond more to social and environmental factors. Erikson saw this progression as fixed, so that all people passed through each level as they developed their personalities (Brown and Lowis, 2003, p. 416).
Erikson initially regarded the last stage as rather pessimistic — individuals were either satisfied with what they had achieved or they were not. Yet as he and his family reached their own later years, he began to accept that there might be at least a ninth stage of development for the elderly, one more open to additional influences (Pierce and Timonen, n.d.).
Erikson's early works were first presented in the 1950s. Since then, the basic perspective has evolved considerably, moving well beyond his original stages. Researchers have taken a deeper look at his theory with a much broader focus on the aging process (Heckhausen et al., 2010). These studies tie maturity to the fact that as people grow, they seek to achieve certain tasks or personal objectives in order to gain the rewards and successes they desire from life. For example, as individuals mature through school, they first complete their required education and then move toward a chosen college degree or the start of a particular career. While these advances are personal, they are not necessarily best understood in the same way as the progression from infancy to adolescence.
Researchers such as Heckhausen et al. (2010, pp. 41–42) investigated the specifics of primary and secondary goals in life-span development during the 1990s. Primary goals were those that people valued most highly because they would allow individuals to "change the world" and make success happen for themselves. Secondary goals arose more from circumstances in which people could not easily change what was happening around them, and so they adapted by accepting their circumstances. Heckhausen et al.'s more recent work on the Motivational Theory of Life-Span Development embraced this uniqueness as part of what people do in accordance with their personal desires and expectations, not simply based on what is expected at a given level of maturity. As they note, "the modern world with its rapid changes, increased interdependence of national economies, easy access to international travel, and stark contrasts between different societies' control potential brings about new challenges and opportunities for individual agency" (Heckhausen et al., 2010, p. 52). The resources people have in life and where they find themselves become increasingly important. How individuals relate these resources to their health and to the technologies they are comfortable with determines the importance of those technologies in later life — not predetermined stages.
Various studies examining the relationship between technology and health care for the elderly reflect aspects of both perspectives. Many of these materials take a distinctively phenomenological approach, carrying a clear presumption that aging is tied to health and health maintenance. In these materials, technology is seen almost exclusively as serving to assist in the care and control of seriously debilitating conditions, which are assumed to be a universal concern among older adults (Kenner, 2008). Other materials — including some produced by advocacy groups such as the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP) — have begun to reflect the life-span perspective, viewing technology as a tool that fits different people's needs in many different ways, based on their goals and objectives as they retire or continue living a life enriched by what technology has to offer (Orlov, 2011). The sections that follow provide an overview of these materials to highlight some of the key distinctions.
"The Use of Technology by the Elderly" is the title of a 2010 article published in the international Health Science Journal. Its opening paragraph states: "It is widely accepted that elder individuals show low adjustment to the advent of new technologies compared to younger generations, either because they do not have the technological experience or because of their current health status" (Roupa et al., 2010, p. 118). The authors go on to argue that it is essential for young people to take the time to teach the elderly how to become familiar with new technologies, specifically because they believe this will enable older people to enjoy a higher quality of life in the future. The article documents technological use patterns among the elderly in various countries by examining a broad range of household equipment and communication tools. For the most part, their findings demonstrate noticeably less interest in technology among older adults, and the authors suggest this pattern is likely to persist, even as they curiously note that there are ways in which older and younger people could together use technology for better healthcare (Roupa et al., 2010, p. 122).
A 2008 publication by Intel takes a similar tone regarding its Global Research Initiative on Technology for an Aging Population. While the title seems broadly based with a focus on many age levels, its content suggests otherwise. The report identifies several common themes related to one of its central motivations:
"Intel's ethnographic research in the United States and Europe uncovered several commonalities in the attitudes and needs of the elderly across all regions. In general, the researchers found that people were receptive to the concept of healthcare technology, as long as it continues to provide them with a sense of control and empowerment. The elderly want to retain control over their lives and be involved in decision-making about their care." (Intel, 2008, p. 3)
"Theoretical bias in technology and elder health literature"
"Intel, AARP, and dementia surveillance reviewed"
"AARP findings support individualized technology design"
Pierce, M., and Timonen, V. (n.d.). How theories of aging can influence policy. Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland.
Roupa, Z. et al. (2010). The use of technology by the elderly. Health Science Journal, 4(2).
Wertz, F. (n.d.). Phenomenological research methods in psychology: A comparison with grounded theory, discourse analysis, narrative research, and intuitive inquiry.
You’re 57% through this paper. Sign up to read the remaining 3 sections.
Sign Up Now — Instant Access Already a member? Log inAlways verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.