Ending the "problem with no name": The feminist movement of the 1970s

Feminist Movement of the 1970s

Ending the "The Problem with No Name"

The Golden Age of marriage and family, the 1950s, was statistically a time when most women married and few divorced (Smith, lecture notes). On the surface, American society seemed to be content with the status quo; however, the existence of pervasive racial and gender inequality was preventing the oppressed from fully taking part in the Golden Age, let alone enjoying full citizenship.

Women in the 1950's began to suspect their happiness might depend on factors other than marriage, home, and three and a half children (Smith, lecture notes). Alcohol and valium were helping women find some relief from their unrealized dreams and unrelenting melancholia, in their role as domestic servants. With most of society expecting women to be happy as wife and homemaker this pervasive sense of unfulfillment became known as the "problem with no name." When the poet Ann Sexton eventually reached the age of 28, the superficiality of the life she was leading undermined her sanity and she experienced a psychotic break and a suicide attempt (Rosen 3). Despite the positive domestic statistics and ready access to chemical intoxicants, American society was bubbling below the surface with the necessary ingredients for revolution.

The Seeds of Revolution

Although there were women's organizations in existence at the time, their efforts to alter the trajectory of American society remained largely unsuccessful (Smith, lecture notes). This began to change during the World War II when women were called upon to do their patriotic duty and enter the manufacturing workforce drained of men entering the military (Rosen 19-20). Despite the government's aggressive efforts to halt and reverse this trend during the post-war period, in part by emphasizing the need to repay returning solders with jobs, the private sector eventually sought married women to fill clerical jobs on a large scale, because the low pay and no benefits these jobs offered increased profit margins. The overall effect was a doubling of the number of women in the workforce between 1940 and 1960.

Meanwhile, a small women's organization populated by former suffragists continued to push their agenda of getting the Equal Rights Amendment passed in Congress and ratified by the states (Rosen 27). This organization, the National Women's Party (NWP), was opposed by a number of groups seeking to ensure continued support for protective legislation. The protective legislation restricted the number of hours that women could work and provided a minimum wage; however, these statutes forced employers to treat men and women differently.

The anemic size of the NWP was due in part to the persecution of leftists during the late 40s and early 50s by some congressional leaders (Rosen 28). What has been called the McCarthy Era or the Red Scare was in fact an effort by some political leaders to exploit fears of communist infiltration into American society by Soviet agents. One of the larger women's organizations that formed after the war with strong international ties was the Congress of American Women (CAW) and the American chapter could claim 250,000 members during its heyday. Its agenda was the political, economic, social, and legal emancipation of women around the world, independent of racial identity. Given this agenda, which included federal training programs for impoverished women, socialized medicine, day care, equal pay, and equal access to higher education, many of its leaders were members of the Communist Party. When the House Un-American Activities Committee demanded that the CAW register as an agent of a foreign organization, the membership shrank and the looming legal battles forced the organization to dissolve.

The Blame Game

The influx of women into the workforce largely went unnoticed by the American public until the late 50's, when journalists and labor organizations began to take a closer look at the dramatic trends (Rosen 34-36). The National Manpower Council studied the situation and their findings left them incredulous, using the word 'revolution' several times to describe what had been occurring. Despite the statistics and a few voices of dissent in the print media, political leaders and the mainstream media continued to reinforce the belief that women belonged in the home and any unhappiness was their fault.

Despite the pressure to conform, some women were beginning to realize that the source of their happiness was primarily external (Rosen 34-36). Despite this gradual, shared awakening, there was considerable infighting between activists, working women, and homemakers. Working women called homemakers lazy and homemakers portrayed working women as indifferent to the needs of their children. Meanwhile the activists struggled to bring both sides together. This infighting continued until Betty Friedan published her book The Feminine Mystique in 1963.

The Feminine Mystique

The feminine mystique was essentially the social expectation that women in western societies could achieve fulfillment and happiness only through marriage, children, and a life spent at home (Rosen 4, 55). Breaking this 'curse' would depend on a new generation coming of age and choosing a life path distinct from their mothers' (Rosen 37). Importantly, they would encounter little opposition from their mothers. A Gallup poll conducted in 1962 revealed that a mere 10% of mothers hoped their daughters would follow in their early marriage and homemaker footsteps (Rosen 43-44).

These daughters came of age in a tumultuous period in American history (Rosen 58). The Beat generation advocated free will, while the civil rights and anti-war movement challenged the status quo. Bohemian lifestyles and the legalization of the birth control pill undermined traditional sexual roles as women increasingly expanded the social spheres they inhabited. For example, the nuclear fallout from above ground nuclear testing galvanized fifty thousand homemakers in sixty cities to engage in a one day walkout on November 1, 1961. With women protesting the Vietnam War and Jim Crow in the South, a transformation was occurring that would eventually lead women to seek social and political changes for themselves.

The Death of the Feminine Mystique

1963 was a momentous year in American history. The Equal Pay Act was passed in Congress, The Feminine Mystique was published, and the commission's Presidential Report on American Women was released (Rosen 70-72). In the aftermath of President Kennedy's assassination, Congress began to debate the civil rights bill. In an attempt to defeat the bill, a Congressman from the South, "Judge" Howard Smith, proposed an amendment to add the word 'sex' to the provision prohibiting employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, or national origin. Despite many viewing this amendment as a joke, unnatural alliances formed and the amendment passed. Its passage galvanized women activists to push for passage of the full bill. With the help of Lady Bird Johnson and several cabinet members, the Civil Rights Act became law.

Enforcing the equal employment provision in the Civil Rights Act became the next battle women would fight (Rosen 74). However, the issue cut across social and political divisions, thereby bringing together women activists of all stripes and colors to focus on a single goal. To end the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission's indifference, several powerful women in Washington, D.C. formed the National Organization for Women (NOW) to bring about full equality. The first official conference was held in Washington, D.C. On October 29, 1966 and was attended by 300 women from across the country.

One of the first NOW victories was an Executive Order signed by President Johnson in 1967 that banned sexual discrimination in all federal government agencies and any organization receiving federal funds (Rosen 81-90). By the mid-1970s, NOW and other feminist organizations had help usher in equal treatment in education and academic sports, the availability of financial credit for married women, the historic Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade (1973), the elimination of discrimination against pregnant women, revised rape laws ending male favoritism, and tax credits for child care. There were also defeats, including the failure of a progressive national child care act to make it past President Richard Nixon's veto pen.

The failure of a national child care act was just one many reactions to the successes of the feminist movement during the late 60's and early 70's (Rosen 90-91). The Equal Rights Amendment had been passed by Congress, but organizations sprang up to oppose its ratification. A large number of abortion opponents became organized in the aftermath of Roe v. Wade, including the first March for Life in 1974. The Southern Baptist Convention affirmed male superiority and the Heritage Foundation was born to combat affirmative action and other legislation imposing costly burdens on businesses. In 1975, Phyllis Schlafly established the anti-feminist Eagle Forum and the FBI invested heavily in infiltrating and disrupting feminist organizations and activities.

Summary

Despite a considerable backlash to the feminist agenda, real changes had taken place by the 1990s (Rosen 338-339). The feminine mystique, if not dead, had been relegated to the nooks and crannies of American society. Women were increasingly populating political positions, corporate board rooms, the halls of academia, and blue collar jobs formally dominated by men. Politicians opposing the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion increasingly had to depend on male voters to win political races. The number of women in college and working outside of the home increased to 54% and 58%, respectively. Although much had been accomplished, much more needs to be done in the face of several major failures, including the failure of the Equal Rights Amendment to be ratified.