Write a research paper on the United States executive branch, specifically talking about (its authority to conduct foreign affairs)..... Cite cases if possible: for example the case of U.S V. Curtis wright corp. talks about the authority of the president to conduct foreign affairs. 5 scholarly sources if possible.

The title of this university course major is : Forces of Change in International Politics.

* AS I HAVE REQUESTED MANY TIMES IN THE PAST ... PLEASE MAKE SURE THE WRITER CHOSEN TO DO THIS PAPER IS OVERLY QUALIFIED IN THE FIELD OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. THE WRITER MUST ALWAYS BE FLUENT IN ENGLISH. THANK YOU : ) *

* AND THE WRITER MUST ARGUE/WRITE WITH AN AUSTRALIAN PERSPECTIVE PLEASE ... IT'S AN AUSTRALIAN UNIVERSITY AFTER ALL. THANK YOU : ) *

Required Reading:
Huntington, S 1993. The Clash of Civilizations. Foreign Affairs, Vol.72, Iss. 3, pp. 22-49
--HUNTINGTON'S THESIS WILL BE PROVIDED FOR YOU IN THE UPLOAD--

The Task:
State Huntingtons central thesis in a couple of sentences.
Analyze ONE of Huntingtons specific claims that he proposes supports his central thesis.
*Again --HUNTINGTON'S THESIS WILL BE PROVIDED FOR YOU IN THE UPLOAD--


** So basically choose ONE of Huntington's arguments/claims and state whether you are for or against.
The Introduction must:
-- Set out the context/background of your argument;
-- Introduce the content of the essay;
-- Introduce the theoretical perspectives you will be using;
-- Set out your thesis statement/line your line of argument;
-- Explain how the essay will be organised (order of points).

Guidelines:
Use the research to substantiate claims and assertions made in the article.

Do NOT use quotes from the research or from Huntingtons article in your paper ??" paraphrase instead.


Word length: 1000 words (please make sure the essay content is not under 1000 words ... thank you)

Description of Assesssment Criteria (please strictly adhere to these criteria):
- Argue a clear and consistent case.
- Use SCHOLARLY and AUTHORITATIVE reference sources to directly support claims and arguments.
- Demonstrate critical thinking, analysis and synthesis of argument.
- The paper is a FORMALLY STRUCTURED, ACADEMIC POLITICS ESSAY.
- CORRECTLY use the Harvard Style of referencing with a List of References (LORs) at the end.
- Will be +/- 10% of the stated word count.

If you have any questions please do not hesitate to contact me further.


There are faxes for this order.

1.Paul Krugman (1994). ?The Myth of Asia?s Miracle.? Foreign Affairs
In this assignment (as the name of this assignment implies) you are asked to ?analyze? or critique the article you have chosen. More specifically, you are asked to apply the four operations of critical thinking (analysis, interpretation, synthesis, and evaluation) in your discussion about the article. You will discuss how well reasoned you find the author?s key argument(s) in an objective manner. Be sure to analyze the logical soundness and the use of evidence in the argument. You may also discuss what sort of evidence would strengthen or refute your author?s argument and what changes in the argument would make it more logical.

Three main sections of the analytical paper:

 Part I [Introduction]
 Part II [Your Analysis, Interpretation, and Synthesis, of the text]
 Part III [Conclusion (Summary and Evaluation of the text)]

Part I: Introduction
Identify the text to be analyzed and define its main purpose. (e.g., an argument, a statement of principles, key elements)
State the most important question or problem addressed by the text to be analyzed.
Why does the author consider the question important?
What is the result the author wishes to produce? What would be the result if the question were answered differently?Part III: Present your analysis, interpretation, and synthesis of the text.
For an argument:
 Reconstruct the argument showing how the evidence and assumptions provide support for the author?s claim.

For a statement of principles:
 Explain the meaning of each of the terms mentioned and show how the terms are related in the principles or distinctions.

Part IV: Conclusion (Summary and Evaluation)
Summarize key argument(s) and elements of the text.
State what the author sought to accomplish in the text you analyzed.
Make specific suggestions on how the author?s argument could be improved.
What is the significance of the author?s work? What contributions has he/she made?

1.WHICH OF THE BRANCHES OF US GOVERNMENT HAS MORE TO SAY IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION MAKING? WHY?


2.HAS THERE BEEN ANY CHANGE IN CONGRESSIONAL CHECK ON PRESIDENT'S FOREIGN POLICY MAKING OVER TIME? PROVIDE PROOF ONE WAY OR THE OTHER.


3.WHAT IS THE ROLE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS BUREAUCRACY IN MAKING US FOREIGN POLICY? EXPLAIN.

**SOURCES HAVE TO BE SCHOLARLY and can not be WEBSITES or INTERNET BASED, ONLY JOURNALS AND ACCADEMIC WRITTINGS**

The Research Paper is intended to allow students to examine in detail a research area of their choice. It is expected that these paper will examine some aspect of strategic studies and provide a comprehensive analysis. A good essay goes beyond its sources; it should express your own viewpoint, informed by the readings and research that you have done. The main point of a research paper is to provide your own critical appraisal of the subject based on the information provided by your readings and research. Quote when it is necessary to provide someone's precise view, but not so often as to disrupt your analysis. Also, a quotation may illustrate that the person quoted holds a particular opinion, but it hardly proves that the opinion is in fact correct. Logical reasons and specific examples are necessary to support any thesis advanced in your essay. When you do quote directly, or paraphrase, or cite statistics, footnotes/endnotes you must show the source. Copying without credit is plagiarism and results in automatic failure. Your paper must include a bibliography containing at least 15 (fifteen) journal articles and/or books of acceptable academic quality. If you are uncertain whether a source is acceptable please see the instructor. As a function of presenting a bibliography, you must include the proper bibliographic citation. Any style is acceptable as long as it use correctly and consistently.

Your essay should always include an introductory statement of the thesis and a conclusion that draws the earlier argument together. To be coherent and to be more than a list of random observations, an essay must have a central theme/question to which every point in the discussion is directly related. The logic of the discussion should be self-evident; it is a waste of time and space to insert tedious explanations and apologies to the reader (eg. "after dealing with this aspect of the problem, I shall try to attempt further analysis of other aspects.") Similarly, such phrases as "in my opinion", "there is little doubt", "I feel it is true that," should be cut out. But you need to remember that the main focus of the paper will be to develop your assessment. The subject material that you will examine is seldom black or white. Therefore, you must show a sophistication to your analysis that ultimately will tell the reader the Aso what@ of your assessment.


TOPIC:
There is no doubting that international terrorism threatens Australia, both as a Western nation and in its own right. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT, 2007) states that intelligence confirms we were a target before the 11 September 2001 attacks, and we are still a target. Our interests both at home and abroad are in the terrorists' sights.It is clear that we have to do all we can to prevent terrorism, and security measures are needed to counter this global threat, but since the shocking terrorist attacks in New York and Bali, Australia has introduced more than 20 federal ASIO and "anti-terrorism" laws (Mills, 2005). The implementation of this legislation is certainly a difficult proposition, for how do you counter an enemy who will not show his face? This legislation has inevitably affected our rights but the key question, as a recent paper from the ACT Human Rights Office put it, "is whether the means suggested are proportionate to the legitimate objectives of protecting the Australian community from terrorism" (Grattan, 2005).

Has the threat level increased that much that it warrants such frantic legislating? Or has this legislation been introduced simply as a knee jerk reaction to counter public angst? Whether or not this new legislation is effective in countering the threat of terrorism is of significance and I will examine this further in this essay, but of far greater concern is that key question of whether or not the new laws strike the right balance between ensuring our national security and upholding our important public values and fundamental democratic rights.


EXAMINE AUSTRALIA'S RESPONSE TO TERRORISM INCLUDING ALL THE LAWS AND LEGISLATURE PASSED AND ASK THE FOLLOWING QUESTION: WHY DID AUSTRALIA DO WHAT IT DID AND WAS IT JUSTIFIED?


I WILL SEND SOME SOURCE ESSAYS AS EXAMPLES
There are faxes for this order.

For this assignment I would like you to answer these two task for about 300 words for each task.

Task 1: With ministerial seniority to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Prime Minister can appropriate foreign policy issues at will. (see The Reader, Week 3 Reading, p. 43).

Do you agree with this statement? Should the policy making process be more democratic?

For example i would like you to answer it like this way.

I believe that in times of serious trouble, such as the war in Iraq, the checks and balances of the US system, such as the role of congress are diminished as many issues pass through more quickly than normal, without much debate. Take for example the US decision to go to war, and the major rise in budget spending on defence. These decisions went through without as much as a hiccup from congress. The president there too does have a major say in times of trouble as the PM seem to in Australia.

I guess in some ways there is a necessity in times of trouble for issues to go through parliament quickly, as to avoid other issues arising in the mean time. In the time that it could take to go through parliament direct threats to Australias security could have occurred.

Someone said in the tute yesterday that we are a democracy in that the people democratically elect the party of their choice to lead us. We are lead by the people we trusted to lead us, we vote them in on their policy line, so in times of trouble we trust that they will make the right decisions on our behalf.

This is not to say that I agree with the hastiness of Howard committing Australian troops to the Iraq War as a part of the coalition of the willing, but at the same time the threat of terrorism at the time was new, and we had never dealt with such an issue before. I have faith in the future that with new information on threats such as terrorism decisions such as the fateful one made but Howard would be better dealt with.


Task 2: This is the lecture topic of week 3, but I thought we might run a bit ahead of ourselves and use the Stern Hu case as a case study to see how the process of foreign policy making works as this drama is still hot and fresh. Although we don't know the process behind the scene right now (unless you're working on this issue in DFAT or PM&C), it is still possible to watch, as an outside observer, what factors are at play.

Here, we can see a few actors involved:
1) Stern Hu and Rio Tinto
2) The Opposition
3) The Government: Foreign Minister, PM
4) The mass media
5) China's action and reaction
6) Diplomats from both sides
7) others....

So here are two questions:

a) What kinds of roles are these different players playing? b) How have they affected Australia's China policy on this case?

For example:
I agree that the boxes Chengxin has provided makes it easier to clarify the issues and where the players all fit in this complex test of Australian foreign policy. I have little to add to your in depth analysis but thought I'd just use a short description of the actors to help me, and maybe others, to define that place.
Stern Hu - catalyst perhaps fallguy,
Rio Tinto -non-state actor with heavy influence - reveals just how much influence such companies have in today's globalised world
Opposition - should be promoting considered and intelligent debate but seem to be politicising for their own gain - no bipartisanship evident, just point scoring
Government (PM and Minister for Foreign Affairs) - shall reveal soon how much influence the current Executive holds in foreign policy and any policy shifts that take place - needs to tread a very fine line (as you say Angela)
Mass Media - feed public opinion and can influence policies and any shifts and shows that foreign affairs continues front and centre in domestic opinion
China's action/reaction - reveals just where Australia fits in the bigger picture and how much/little influence we have on the world stage, but interesting that US has joined with others in taking a strong interest in China's (and our own!) actions over the case - suppose this makes Australia feel important
Diplomacy - consular assistance is a strong component of DFAT's diplomacy - it takes looking after its citizens abroad very seriously. Quiet diplomacy, both consular and policy-based should be allowed to do what it does best and get on with the job without the politicising and heavier hand of media attention which makes things extremely complicated and uncontrollable.


Week 3: Who Makes Australian Foreign Policy? (Foreign Policy Determinants)
Prescribed text, Chapters 13-15.
Smith, Gary, Cox, Dave and Burchill, Scott. 1996. Making Foreign Policy. Australia in the
World, Melbourne: Oxford University Press.
Further references:
Derek McDougall, Australian Foreign Relations: Entering the 21st Century, Frenchs Forest:
Pearson Education Australia, 2009, Chapter 2 The Domestic Context.
Anne Tiernan, The Learner: John Howards System of National Security Advice, Australian
Journal of International Affairs, vol. 61, no. 4 (2007), pp. 489-505.

Review Essay on the following two books:

Contemporary Debates in Indian Foreign and Security Policy: India Negotiates Its Rise in the International System by Harsh V. Pant
New York: Palgrave Macmillan , 2008
ISBN:978-0230604582

Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India's Foreign Policy by Rajiv Sikri
New Delhi, Sage 2009

I need to submit a Review Essay (not a book review) on the above topic, based upon two books (leading authors), with the following requirements:

The Review Essay should be an Analytical and Argumentative in nature, containing approx. 3000 words.
The Review Essay should be written in Microsoft Word Document with proper indentation.
The Review Essay will have to include a short abstract (one paragraph, not included in the word count).
The Review Essay should have proper citations, references, footnotes/endnotes, bibliograpghy, references.
The Review Essay should be properly para-phrased, where applicable, giving proper citations and references.
No Plagiarism is allowed as the review essay will have to be submitted via turnitin site.

Key areas to be covered within the scope of the review essay with reference to the title are as follows:
The Review Essay should have a "Central Puzzle" based on which both arguments "for" and "against" needs to be constructed theoritically and analytically.

The Review Essay should also consider Social, Technological, Economical, Environmental, Political/Geo-political, Cultural, civil-military relationship, politics at State level and Non-state level, while based on theoritical and analytical basis, including other major themes and issues related to the topic.

The Review Essay should engage in highlighting the key methods and analysis used in highlighting the arguments ("for" and "against") within the context of the topic and the central puzzle.

Throughout the Review Essay, it must be evident, lucid, clear and precisely presented to reflect critically upon the theoretical, conceptual, analytical and methodological underpinnings of the arguments.

A Note to the Writer:

A writer with Political Science background will be preferred.

At the outset it is important to understand that a review essay is not a book review. A book review summarizes the content of a book, assesses its evidence and argument, comments on its clarity and organization and then makes a summary judgment about its significance and utility (or the lack thereof) in a given field.

A review, essay, on the other hand, is a more demanding enterprise. It involves an extended discussion of a book or several books on the same subject. The principal purpose of this endeavor is to place this or these books within a larger stream of literature with the express purpose of showing how they have helped illumine, augment or otherwise alter our understanding of the existing literature on the subject. Of course, it may be entirely possible to conclude that these works have not fundamentally altered our extant understanding of a given field.

The key task then is to place the books in a larger political and historical context. For example, John Mearsheimer's book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, can easily be located in the literature on Realism in the field of international politics. Accordingly, someone writing a review essay on this book would be obligated to locate the book in the long tradition of work on both Classical and Neo-Realist approaches to the study of international politics. S/he would also need to demonstrate how his work departed from, challenged or augmented the existing body of literature. As it turns out, its principal contribution was that it introduced (some would claim it even celebrated) the concept of "offensive realism" and provided historical evidence to bolster its significance.

Having placed the central contributions of the book in a broader context you are then expected to assess the quality of the logic of the argument, the evidence mustered to support it and comment on the organization and clarity of the work. You should also discuss if the book opens up new vistas of possible research and scholarship and how they may be best pursued.

For examples of well-written review essays I would strongly urge the Writer to look at International Security or Security Studies or Foreign Affairs.

Looking forward to an excellent Review Essay.

best regards

Deepa

Question: Why did the US invade Iraq in 2003?
Part One: Write a MA level 5000 word essay illustrating your analytical abilities.
Care should be taken to answer the question as it is set, and no amendment should be made to the format of the question. Keep in mind that the module is America and the world:
Suggested Bibliography:
1-Diamond, L. (2004),?What went wrong in Iraq?, Foreign Affairs, 83:5, p.34-56
2-Brzezinski, Z.((2009),?A Tale of Two Wars: The Right War in Iraq, and the Wrong One War of Necessity, War of Choice: A Memoir of Two Iraq Wars by RICHARD N. HAASS Review?, Foreign Affairs,88:3, p.148-152.
3-Simon,S.(2007),? America and Iraq: The Case for Disengagement?, Survival,49:1,p.61-84.
4-Bacevich,A.J.(2002),? American Empire: The realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
5-Allin, D.H.(2007),?American Power and Allied Restraint: Lessons of Iraq?, Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, 49:1, p.123-140.
6-Steel, R.(2007),? An Iraq Syndrome??, Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, 49:1, p.153-162.
7-Bellin, E.(2008),?Democratization and its Discontents: Should America Push Political Reform in the Middle East??, Foreign Affairs,87:4,p.112-119. Review Essay
8-Simon,S.(2008),?The Price of the Surge: How U.S. Strategy is Hastening Iraq?s Demise?, Foreign Affairs, 87:3, p.57-72, 74-76.
9-Ikenberry, G.J.(2002),? America?s Imperial Ambition?, Foreign Affairs, 81:5, p.44-60.
10-Krepon,M.(2009),?The Mushroom Cloud That Wasn?t Why Inflating Threats Won?t Reduce Them?, Foreign Affairs, 88:3, p.2-6.
11-Pillar, P.R.(2006),?Intelligence, Policy and the War in Iraq?, Foreign Affairs, 85:2, p.15-27.
12-Freedman, L.(2008),?Shortsighted Statecraft: Washington?s Muddled Middle East Policy. A Choice of Enemies: America Confronts the Middle East?, Foreign Affairs, 87:4.
13-Mumford, A.(2010),? Sir Robert Thompson?s Lessons for Iraq: Bringing the ?Basic Principles of Counter-Insurgency? into the 21st Century?, Defense Studies, 10:1-2,p.177-194.
14-Galbraith, P.W.(2006),? The End of Iraq: How American Incompetence Created a War without End?, Foreign Affairs, 85:5.
15-Hughes, G.(2010),? The Insurgencies in Iraq, 2003-2009: Origins, Developments and Prospects?, Defense Studies, 10:1-2, p.152-176.
16-Fawcett, L.(2013),? The Iraq War ten years on: assessing the fallout?, International Affairs, 89:2.
17-Saunders,P.C.(2007),? The United States and East Asia after Iraq?, Survival: Global Politics and Strategy,49:1,p.141-152.
18-Yew,L.K.(2007),? The United States, Iraq, and the War on Terror: A Singaporean Perspective?, Foreign Affairs, 86:1,p. 2-7.
19-Rouleau,E.(1995),? America?s Unyielding Policy toward Iraq?, Foreign Affairs,74:1,p.59-72.
20-Diamond,L.(2004),?What Went Wrong in Iraq?, Foreign Affairs,83:5,p.34-56.
21-Ornstein,N.J.and Mann,T.E.(2006),? When Congress Checks Out?, Foreign Affairs,85:6,p.67-82.
22-Kahl,C.H.(2008),?Walk Before Running?, Foreign Affairs,87:4,p.151-154.
23-Kagan,R.(2002),?Power and Weakness,? Policy Review, 13/2.
24-Lindsay,J.(2011),?George W.Bush, Barack Obama and the Future of US Global leadership?, Foreign Affairs,87:4,p.765-779.
25- M. Cox & D. Stokes, US Foreign Policy.
26- B. Jentleson, American Foreign Policy
27- F. Cameron, US Foreign Policy after the Cold War.
28-The Israel Lobby, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt

Part Two: Please compose an essay plan of between 800-1000 words (not including suggested bibliography of a minimum of 10 sources) for the essay of the question mentioned above.

If you require me to send the suggested readings as pdf, please provide an email address to send them because I cannot fax them.
And I strongly request the user name of the writer below to process my request.

Writer?s Username: cdbrychalk

Write an MA dissertation of 12000 words discussing the topic:

Interventionism; between Humanitarian and States? National Interest. Case Study Libya and Syria.

Discuss the title above in a 12000 words dissertation covering an introduction, three or four chapters, and a conclusion.

References and Bibliography from the suggested list below.
an introduction should ideally contain:
-The title or topic of your dissertation ? introduction to your puzzle ? justifying: why you are interested in this topic and why is this topic important/relevant?
-Concepts definitions etc. should be included early on.
-Your research question.
-Your central argument ? remember this is a value choice dependent on your standpoint.
-The structure of the dissertation (Chapter One will look at?In Chapter Two?)
-Choice of case studies and justification if appropriate (why these and not others?).
-Methodology
-Literature review.


The Thesis of the dissertation should argue and support the realistic point of view and belief towards Great Powers national interest in other states for intervention.

Syria Case: Why states didn?t intervene until now although there have been a strong case for humanitarian intervention: mass killing, immigration, slaughtering?.
What are the political reasons behind inaction in Syria ?
Reasons vary from political, geopolitical, economical to strategic interest for great powers in the region.
Libya Case: Why states intervene in Libya ?
Reasons behind intervention: humanitarian intervention : yes, but favored with economic interest.
Talk about Western countries that support humanitarian interventionism and they have not yet intervened in Syria. What are the states? national interests that dictate against humanitarian intervention.

-Political Interest.
-Israel Position in the region and the US concern to secure its borders.
-Economical Interest.
-Instability in the region.
Responsibility to Protect doctrine: Is it only meant to protect civilians or it goes beyond this ?
Case of Libya ?


Suggested Readings:


Alexidze, Levan (1981), ?Legal Nature of Jus Cogens in Contemporary International Law?, in Recueil des cours, Vol. 172, p. 219-270.

Amn?us, Diana (2012), ?Has Humanitarian Intervention Become Part of International Law under the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine??, in Julia Hoffmann and Andr? Nollkaemper, eds., Responsibility to Protect. From Principle toPractice, Amsterdam, Pallas Publications and Amsterdam University Press, p. 157-171.

Bellamy, Alex J. (2011), ?Libya and the Responsibility to Protect: The Exception and the Norm?, Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 3 (September), p. 263-269.

Boisson de Chazournes, Louise, and Condorelli, Luigi (2006), ?De la ?responsabilit? de prot?ger?, ou d?une nouvelle parure pour une notion d?j? bien ?tablie?, R?vue g?n?rale de droit international public, Vol. 110, No. 1, p. 11-18, http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:6162.

Bokova, Irina (2012), ?Culture in the Cross Hairs?, International Herald Tribune, 3 December, p. 12, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/03/opinion/global/cultural-sites-must-be-protected.html.

Brownlie, Ian (1974),?Humanitarian Intervention?, in John Norton Moore, ed., Law and Civil War in the ModernWorld, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, p. 217-228.

Cassese, Antonio (1999), ?Ex iniuria ius oritur: Are we Moving towards International Legitimation of Forcible Humanitarian Countermeasures in the World Community??, European Journal of International Law, Vol. 10, No. 1,p. 23-30, http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/10.1.23.

Chesterman, Simon (2011), ??Leading from Behind?: The Responsibility to Protect, the Obama Doctrine, and Humanitarian Intervention after Libya?, Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 3 (September), p. 279-285.

Francioni, Francesco (2000),?Of War, Humanity and Justice: International Law after Kosovo?, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law, Vol. 4, p. 107-126, http://www.mpil.de/shared/data/pdf/pdfmpunyb/francioni_4.pdf.

Francioni, Francesco (2005), ?Balancing the Prohibition of Force with the Need to Protect Human Rights: A Methodological Approach?, in Enzo Cannizzaro and Paolo Pacchetti, eds., Customary International Law on the Use of Force. A Methodological Approach, Leiden and Boston, Nijhoff, p. 269-292.

Hannikainen, Lauri (1988), Peremptory Norms (Jus Cogens) in International Law. Historical Development, Criteria,Present Status, Helsinki, Finnish Lawyers? Publishing Company.

Hehir, Aidan (2008), Humanitarian Intervention after Kosovo. Iraq, Darfur and the Record of Global Civil Society,Basingstoke and New York, Palgrave Macmillan.
16 WORKING PAPER 15
Hehir, Aidan (2012), The Responsibility to Protect. Rhetoric, Reality and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention, Basingstoke and New York, Palgrave Macmillan.

Hilpold, Peter (2012), ?Intervening in the Name of Humanity: R2P and the Power of Ideas?, Journal of Conflict and Security Law, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Spring), p. 49-79.

Hoffmann, Julia, and Nollkaemper, Andr?, eds.(2012), Responsibility to Protect. From Principle to Practice, Amsterdam, Pallas Publications and Amsterdam University Press.

Hurd, Ian (2011), ?Is Humanitarian Intervention Legal? The Rule of Law in an Incoherent World?, Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 3 (September), p. 293-313, http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~ihu355/Home_files/is%20hi%20legal.pdf.

Joffe, George (1994), ?Sovereignty and Intervention: The Perspective from the Developing World?, in Marianne Heiberg, ed., Subduing Sovereignty. Sovereignty and the Right to Intervene, London, Pinter, p. 62-95.

Krause, Joachim, and Ronzitti, Natalino, eds. (2012), The EU, the UN and Collective Security, London and New York, Routledge.

Lillich, Richard (1974), ?Humanitarian Intervention: A Reply to Ian Brownlie and a Plea for Constructive Alternatives?,in John Norton Moore, ed., Law and Civil War in the Modern World, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, p.229-251.

Mohamed, Saria (2012), ?Taking Stock of the Responsibility to Protect?, Stanford Journal of International Law, Vol.48, No. 2 (Summer), p. 319-339, http://ssrn.com/abstract=2065520.

Ortega, Martin, ed. (2005), ?The European Union and the United Nations. Partners in Effective Multilateralism?, Chaillot Papers, No. 78 (June), http://www.iss.europa.eu/publications/detail/article/the-european-union-andthe-united-nations-partners-in-effective-multilateralism.

Pattison, James (2010), Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect. Who Should Intervene?, Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press.

Picone, Paolo (1995), ?Interventi delle Nazioni Unite e obblighi erga omnes?, in Paolo Picone, ed., Interventi delle Nazioni Unite e diritto internazionale, Padova, Cedam, p. 517-578
.
Powell, Catherine (2012), ?Libya: A Multilateral Constitutional Moment??, American Journal of International Law, Vol. 106, No. 2 (April), p. 298-316, http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/983.

Ronzitti, Natalino (1986), ?Use of Force, Jus Cogens and State Consent?, in Antonio Cassese, ed., The Current Legal Regulation of the Use of Force, Dordrecht, Nijhoff, p. 147-166.

Ronzitti, Natalino (2012), ?NATO Intervention in Libya: A Genuine Action to Protect a Civilian Population in Mortal Danger or an Intervention Aimed at Regime Change??, The Italian Yearbook of International Law, Vol. 21: 2011, p. 3-21.
17 WORKING PAPER 15
Simma, Bruno (1999), ?NATO, the UN and the Use of Force: Legal Aspects?, European Journal of International Law, Vol. 10, No.1, p. 1-22, http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/10.1.1.

Simms, Brendan, and Trim, David J.B., eds. (2011), Humanitarian Intervention. A History, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press. Task Force on the EU Prevention of Mass Atrocities (2013), The EU and the Prevention of Mass Atrocities. AnAssessment of Strengths and Weaknesses, Budapest, Foundation for the International Prevention of Mass Atrocities, 6 March, http://www.massatrocitiestaskforce.eu/Report.html.

Tes?n, Fernando (2003), ?The Liberal Case for Humanitarian Intervention?, in J.L. Holzgrefe and Robert O. Keohane, eds. Humanitarian Intervention. Ethical, Legal and Political Dilemmas, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, p. 93-129.

Tes?n, Fernando R. (2005), Humanitarian Intervention. An Inquiry into Law and Morality, 3. edn, New York, Transnational Publishers.

Vierucci, Luisa (2012), ?The No-Fly Zone over Libya: Enforcement Issues?, The Italian Yearbook of International Law, Vol. 21: 2011, p. 21-44.

Welsh, Jennifer (2011), ?Civilian Protection in Libya: Putting Coercion and Controversy Back into RtoP?, Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 3 (September), p. 255-262.

Wouters, Jan, De Man, Philip, and Vincent, Marie (2012), ?The Responsibility to Protect and Regional Organisations: Where Does the European Union Stand?,? in Julia Hoffmann and Andr? Nollkaemper, eds., Responsibility to Protect. From Principle to Practice, Amsterdam, Pallas Publications and Amsterdam University Press, p. 247-270.

2. Documents and Judicial Decisions

EP (2009a), Resolution on a political solution with regard to the piracy off the Somali coast (P7_TA(2009)0099), 26 November, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=TA&reference=P7-TA-2009-0099&language=EN&ring=B7-2009-0158.

EP (2009b), Resolution on violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo (P7_TA(2009)0118), 17 December, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=TA&reference=P7-TA-2009-0118&language=EN.

EP (2011), Resolution on the Southern Neighborhood, and Libya in particular (P7_TA(2011)0095), 10 March, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=TA&reference=P7-TA-2011-0095&language=EN.

EU Council (2005), Council Conclusions on UN World Summit, 2687th External Relations Council meeting, Brussels,
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18 WORKING PAPER 15
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ICJ (2003), Judgment on the case concerning Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States of America),6 November, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?case=90.

ICJ (2004), Judgment on the Avena and Other Mexican Nationals case (Mexico v. United States of America), 31 March, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?case=128.

ICJ (2007), Judgment on the case concerning the Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro), 26 February, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?case=91.

ICJ (2012), Judgment on the Ahmadou Sadio Diallo case (Republic of Guinea v. Democratic Republic of Congo), 19 June, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?case=103.

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19 WORKING PAPER 15
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UN (2009a), Implementing the Responsibility to Protect (A/63/677), 12 January, http://undocs.org/A/63/677.

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My first preference for writer is the writer(randa44) and second preference for the writer(Heideger).

Course: the Master of International Relations

Subject: America's World (Americanization and Anti-Americanism)

You can write this essay from ANY of THREE given questions, with the word length of 3000 words and 25 references. (books and electronic journals are prefered to the internet sites but you can always reaseach from the readings that are mentioned for each questions)

Please write and complete this as you would do for yours.



Question 1: "Current American foreign policy is largely Wilsonian in its approach to world affairs." Discuss.

- Required Readings for this question

**Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence, Knopf, 2001.
**Walter Russell Mead, The Jacksonian Tradition and American Foreign Policy, National Interest, Winter 1999/2000
**John Kane, ?American Values or Human Rights?, Presidential Studies Quarterly, December 2003.

Supplementary

Walter Russell Mead, ?Hamilton?s Way? World Policy Journal, Fall 1996.
Walter Russell Mead, ?Lucid Stars? World Policy Journal, Winter 1994.
Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, Knopf, 1972.
S. Ambrose, The Rise to Globalism
J. Rosati, Politics of United States Foreign Policy, Wadsworth, 2004
J. L. Gaddis, We now know, Oxford 1997.
J. L. Gaddis, Surprise, Security and the American Experience
R. Crockatt, The Fifty Years War, Routledge, 1995
N. Chomsky and E. Herman, The Political Economy of Human Rights (Vol 1 & 2), South End Press.
J. Nye, The Paradox of American Power, OUP 2002.
M. Hunt, Ideology and US Foreign Policy, Yale 1987.




Question 2: Can the attacks of September 11, 2001 be usefully seen as a "blowback" or is this conception faulty?

-Required Readings for this Question:

**Chalmers Johnson, Blowback, Time Warner, 2002
**Niall Ferguson, ?The Empire Slinks Back? New York Times Magazine, April 27, 2003.
**Michael Ignatieff, ?The Burden? New York Times Magazine, January 5, 2003.

Overview of the 9-11, American Empire, anti-Americanism books and articles

Richard Crockett, America Embattled, Routledge 2003 (Probably the most balanced and insightful book written to date on anti-Americanism and America?s current global power).

Chalmers Johnson, Blowback, Time Warner, 2003 (A stinging and convincing critique of American foreign policy written by a former Cold War warrior. The main weakness is the lack of analysis of the Middle East).

Mark Hertsgaard, The Eagle?s Shadow, Allen & Unwin, 2002 (A thoroughly readable and highly accessible account of people?s love/hate relationship with America. Written by an American journalist who travelled the globe asking people what they think of America. Possibly overdoes the emphasis on the paradoxical nature of people?s views of the U.S.)

Ziauddin Sarder & Merryl Wyn Davies, Why Do People Hate America? Icon Books, 2002 (Tries to explore the intersections between cultural and political anti-Americanism. An easy and provoking read that tends only to draw on critics of America).

Granta, What We Think of America, No. 77 (Much quoted but for mind the pieces are largely too glib and too short).

Noam Chomsky, 9-11, Seven Stories, 2001. (This series of interviews with this left-wing icon pulls no punches. American ?imperialism? from the ?annihilation? of the indigenous population to faux humanitarianism in Kosovo is condemned. Chomsky is a classic ethicist, rather like Peter Singer, often persuasive on particular cases but with no great sense of the broader picture. America can be a force of ill and of good. And sometimes, American intervention is needed as in the former Yugoslavia (where mistakes were undoubtedly made, but on balance intervention was justified) and in Rwanda (where inaction was the greater evil).

Foreign Affairs. America and the World. 2002 (A collection of largely establishment views on America?s place in the world. Includes numerous previously published classic articles by Huntington, Fukuyama, and Kagan).

Nine of the best articles:

Tony Judt, ?America and the World? New York Review of Books, April 10, 2003 http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16176 and ?The Way We Live Now? New York Review of Books, March 27, 2003 http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16151

Timothy Garton Ash, ?Anti-Europeanism in America? New York Review of Books, February 13, 2003 http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16059

Simon Schama, ?The unloved American? New Yorker, March 3, 2003.

Todd Gitlin, ?Anti-Anti-Americanism? Dissent, Winter 2003.

William Finnegan, ?The Economics of Empire? Harpers Magazine, May 2003.

Mark Slouka, ?A Year Later? Harper?s Magazine, September 2002.

Anthony Lewis, ?On the West Wing? New York Review of Books, February 13, 2003 http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16050

Antony Blinkin, ?The False Crisis over the Atlantic? Foreign Affairs, May/June 2001.

Also see:
Michael Ignatieff, Empire Lite.
Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell.
Niall Ferguson, Colossus,
Wilson Quarterly, Summer 2002 (Special Edition on American Empire).
The National Interest, Spring 2003. (Special Edition on American Empire).
S. Huntington, ?The Lonely Superpower.? Foreign Affairs. March 1999.
J. Nye. ?The velvet hegemon.? Foreign Policy. May-June, 2003.
N. Ferguson. ?Power (Think Again)? Foreign Policy. Jan-Feb, 2003.
R. Kagan. ?Power and Weakness.? Policy Review. June/July 2002.




Question 3: What is anti-Americanism? What are the main causes of anti-Americanism? Is it a serious problem for the US?

-Required Readings for this Question

**A. Markovits, ?European anti-Americanism (and anti-Semitism)? Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #108, Harvard University, 2005.
**B. O?Connor, ?A brief history of anti-Americanism? Australasian Journal of American Studies, July 2004.
**PEW Global Attitudes Survey, U.S. Image Up Slightly, But Still Negative, American Character Gets Mixed Reviews, http://pewglobal.org/reports/display.php?ReportID=247
Senator Alston?s critique of ABC?s ?anti-American? coverage of 2003 Iraq conflict: http://www.dcita.gov.au/Article/0,,0_4-2_4008-4_114920-LIVE_1,00.html (optional reading)

Supplementary readings:
B. O?Connor, ?Are We All Americans Now? The Superpower and its Critics? Australian Journal of Political Science.
C. Christie, ?US Hate: A Designer Prejudice for our time.? Times Higher Education Supplement. Jan 18, 2002.
D. Lacorne, J. Rupnik, and M-F. Toinet (eds), The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism. Macmillan, 1990.
New Criterion, November 2002 (Special edition on anti-Americanism)
See: ABC response to Alston critique: http://www.abc.net.au/corp/cre_report/complaints_review_executive.pdf
Roger Kimball, ?The New anti-Americanism,? New Criterion. October 2001.
Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin (eds.) Anti-American terrorism and the Middle East : a documentary reader.
Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism : irrational & rational.
Thomas B. Morgan, The Anti-Americans
Don DeBats,?World?s favourite whipping boy.? The Diplomat. Dec-Jan 2002-2003.
Martin Griffiths, ?Anti-Anti-Americanism.? The Drawing Board. May 30, 2003.
Mark Gilbert, ?Superman versus Lex Luther.? World Policy Journal. Summer 2002.
Moises Naim, ?Anti-Americanisms.? Foreign Policy. Jan/Feb 2002.
David Ellwood, ?French anti-Americanism and McDonald?s? History Today, Feb 2001.

ABC Poll: American historian Dr David Mosler told a Brisbane audience this week that Australia should become the 51st state of the U.S.A.

Dr Mosler believes there is a 20% chance that we will become a U.S. state within 50 years, especially if there is a major attack or threat to Australian Borders.




AND some more recommended readings:

Readings and Seminars:

If you are unfamiliar with American institutions, political parties and the election system it is highly recommended that you consult one of the following US Government textbooks.

Robert Singh, Governing America : the politics of a divided democracy
Robert Singh, American government and politics : a concise introduction
Theodore Lowi and Benjamin Ginsberg, American Government (Brief Seventh Edition), New York: Norton, 2002.
Theodore J. Lowi, Benjamin Ginsberg, and Kenneth A. Shepsle. American government : power and purpose (Norton, 2002)
Kenneth Janda, Jeffrey Berry, and Jerry Goldman. The Challenge of Democracy.
Edward S. Greenberg, and Benjamin I. Page. The struggle for democracy.
David McKay, Politics and Power in the USA.
James MacGregor Burns, J.W. Peltason, Thomas E. Cronin. Government By The People.
Robert Sherrill, Why they call it politics.

You are likely to hear a lot of the ideas from Brendon O?Connor?s A Political History of the American welfare system (Rowman & Littlefield, 2004) in classes, so reading the fine print might be useful.

E. J. Dionne?s Why Americans Hate Politics is recommended as a good introduction to key contemporary debates about ideas and political movements in the United States. .

E. J. Dionne?s They Only Look Dead is a very good overview of the politics and politicians of the 1990s. The recent books of both Bob Woodward and Elizabeth Drew also provide very accessible overviews of US politics in the 1990s.



GENERAL REFERENCES

These references should help with general background information and definitions.

For definitions of terms and events

Eric Foner and John Garraty (Editors), The Reader's Companion to American History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991. (An excellent reference book which will give you concise overviews of important historical and political issues).
William Safire, Safire's political dictionary (Safire provides short definitions to the common and strange terms used in American politics such as: gubernatorial, pork and Copperheads).

History

You may need from time to time to draw on a general history of the United States. The following books are recommended:

Maldwyn A. Jones, The Limits of Liberty: American History 1607-1980, (the Short Oxford History of the Modern World).
Gary B. Nash, The American People: Creating a Nation and a Society, (HarperCollins, 1990).
Frederick Siegel, Troubled Journey: From Pearl Harbor to Ronald Reagan (New York: Hill and Wang, 1984)
G. Hodgson, America in our Time. (New York: Macmillan, 1976)
William Chafe, The Unfinished Journey. (Oxford, Oxford University Press).
William Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff (eds.), A History of Our Time (Oxford).
James T. Patterson, Grand expectations: the United States, 1945-1974. (Oxford, 1996).
David M. Kennedy. Freedom from fear: the American people in depression and war, 1929-1945. (Oxford, 1999).

Election Results, Governors, and Congresspersons

M. Barone & G. Ujifusa, Almanac of American Politics (Lists all federal Congresspersons as well as state Governors; also has useful overviews of the presidential voting patterns of all 50 states. In short the election junkies? bible).

NEWSPAPERS, MAGAZINES, AND THE INTERNET

New York Times web site at: www.nytimes.com or regularly read other quality newspapers such as the LA Times (www.latimes.com) or the Washington Post (www.washingtonpost.com).

There are a large number of free US newspapers available on the Internet; use the following address to reach a comprehensive listing of US newspapers: http://www.onlinenewspapers.com/

Occasional reading of American political and cultural magazines is also highly recommended; yahoo.com has a variety of interesting American magazines at: http://dir.yahoo.com/Government/U_S__Government/Politics/News_and_Media/Magazines/

The best American magazines for this course are:

The New Republic (www.tnr.com)
Slate (www.slate.com)
National Journal
The Nation (www.thenation.com)
Commentary
Atlantic Monthly (www.altanticunbound.com)
Harper's
The Economist
The New Yorker (www.newyorker.com)
National Review (www.nationalreview.com)
The New York Review of Books (www.nybooks.com)

It is important to browse regularly through some of the periodicals listed. (Note the ideological differences between, say, The Nation and Commentary).

Other useful magazines and journals:

Foreign Affairs
Foreign Policy
Washington Monthly
Dissent
Congressional Quarterly
Congressional Digest

More scholarly journals include:
Public Interest
PS
Perspectives on Politics
American Quarterly
American Political Science Review
American Prospect (www.prospect.org)
American Journal of Political Science
Political Science Quarterly
Journal of American Studies

Please choose one that you think would gain the highest mark.
All the best of luck! :)

Proposed dissertation title:
Development of Public diplomacy and international Trade: Egypts new approach to secure its interests in the Nile basin countries


Subject area and relevance to Diplomatic Studies:

During the latest decades the usage of the waters of international rivers; those who run across and separate between two or more countries , have varied and included purposes other than navigation, i.e. irrigation, electricity generation and industrial and household usages.
Such variation in usages had led to further scarcity of potable water, let alone the conflicts and disputes over the right of each state in benefiting from the river water in non-navigational purposes. This matter had raised certain questions over the right and obligations of each riparian state, in addition to the priority of usages; whether water is used in a certain activity such as irrigation and electricity generation, and the priority of beneficiaries; i.e. whether a country like Egypt which, since ancient times, had mainly flourished thanks to the river Nile, should enjoy acquired rights due to the fact that Egypt is considered the first and top beneficent from the Nile.

In this respect, questions had been imposed on researchers in the fields of international political relations over the existence of certain approach that can peacefully solve any disputes in a manner that would ensure the minimum level of applying the principle of good neighborliness, and at the same time, preserve the legitimate rights of each riparian country.




The Research problem(s) and/or question(s):
Egypts approach to the Nile basin countries
What is the Egyptian approach to the Nile crisis?
Traditional approach vs. New/ Renewed approach
How many institutions are dealing with the Nile case?
Which institution (foreign affairs, intelligence) should get priority in Egypt to deal with the Nile basin countries?
How mutual cooperation could be increased?
What are the Dimensions and effects of political and economic crisis of water in the Nile Basin?

The use of trade
How can Egypt use trade and investments to its benefit?
Will mutual trade and investment bring about political engagement or not?
How could Egypt use trade and investment to its benefit?

In Public diplomacy
How do officials use the Arab spring in their advantage?
Have they experienced difficulties in using in re-branding their approach?
How effective is the Egyptian revolution to them?
What are the development of public diplomacy and its effect on the Nile Crisis?
What are the necessary changes in the practice in modern diplomacy?
The balance between security control and diplomatic solutions

Research aims:
This research aims to find out the new approach that Egypt is going to take regarding the Nile water crisis. It would also take into account the mutual cooperation that Egypt might take with African Union and the riparian Nile basin states. Last but not the least the aim of the research is how the Egyptians are going to secure the Nile water and how is it going to balance the security through the means of diplomacy.


Literature Review:
River Nile is the second longest rivers which is about 6,740 km long. The Nile water is being used in energy generation, household consumption, industrial and agricultural projects. By the Nile basin countries therefore, water plays a crucial role in diplomatic (Economic & Political) relation between the Nile basin surrounding states. This can be a cause of disagreements between the countries as in the earlier research it has been an issue that water is always distributed unevenly among the countries in the whole world. The scarcity of water can be a potential threat to the whole world along with the Nile basin states.

The long history of Egyptian civilization shows that the importance of Nile water is an integral resource for their lives. Moreover, the Nile water plays an important role on the political and economic development in Egypt as well as in the Nile basin states. Egypt has secured the enough flow of water in its territory by all means. Egypt has also defended the Nile water from any kind of hostile interruption as well as taken several initiatives to protect the controlling of water flow from any bigger power. For example, Israel had strategic interest with the Nile basin region and wanted to build up a strong relation with the Nile basin countries to exercise its power over Egypt and Sudan. It wanted to take advantage of the Nile water in order to plow its Negev desert as it is nearer to Nile.
Egyptian leaders have used collaborative diplomacy to prevent any kind of antagonistic approach or decisions that could have been made by the super powers in regard to protect its own natural interest.

The past research shows that, Egypt was not only under the threat of the bigger powers but it had a dispute with the Nile basin states such as with Ethiopia regarding the Nile water. The high dam was built between those two countries due to the use of the water of the Nile (D. Adel Abdel- Razek, May 2008, July 2009). President Anwar Sadat refused that his Country would go into war if Ethiopia had interfered in the water of Nile. However, during the period of president Mubarak the problem had been showed by the creation of (NEPAD) New Partnership for African Development. During that period President Mubarak initiated education to promote future leaders through out Africa. These steps strengthened the bond between African Union and Egypt. However, the bond with Ethiopia created a record and it helped to bring all the African countries together especially in the field of Nile water and power supply. The independence of Eritrea created a friendly atmosphere between Ethiopia and Egypt.

Moreover, Egypt solved the dispute with Sudan by raising the main weapon Nile Water in a peaceful manner through diplomacy. Moreover, the past research clearly indicates that the water crisis is important both politically and economically as the Nile water is involved in irrigation project, agriculture, power generation etc. To get secured from these threats the Nile basin states created dams and other structure. However, due to cooperation of Egypt with the other countries and because of several joint projects the threat of dispute has been reduced. For instance, the research showed that the joint project between Sudan, Ethiopia and Egypt (Blue Nile and River Atbara) has a great potential to generate electricity for the states. (D. Adel Abdel-Razek, May 2008, July 2009)

From the research it can be said that Egypt has created a good relation among all African Nation. However, the nation is prepared to prevent the Nile water from any kind of intervention by the external territories not only for its own national interest but for African union as well. From the previous research by scholar D. Adel Abdel-Razek, May 2008, July 2009, indicates that water is going to be a scarce resource and soon the interest from oil might be shifted towards water.

This research papers main motive is to find out the new approach that Egypt is going to take in order to secure its interest in the Nile water and in the Nile basin Countries, especially after the change of regime and the uprising of the Arab nations.





Research method(s) used:
The aim and objective of this research papers questions need an in depth analysis which is going to be the core element of the proposal. The analysis needs to be in structural format to find out the traditional approach that Egypt took and the new approaches that they are going to take regarding the Nile water and the riparian Nile basin state. The key element of this research proposal would be to focus on Public Diplomacy and the approaches that Egypt is going to take to Secure its national interest on the Nile water and the Nile basin countries. Therefore,
secondary data analysis, content analysis would play a crucial role to find out an outcome of this proposal. Interviewing diplomats from Egypt would also give an extensive overview of the current scenaro of Egypts position to secure its own interest along with its neighboring countries. Moreover, for the content analysis, articles, documents, books, internet resources would be used in its own area of activity.


Data Collection:
Collection of data would be conducted by questionnaire survey and the comprehensive interviews would carry out the real scenario of Egypts policy and objectives to secure its own national interest with the use of diplomacy and bilateral/multilateral trade with the other countries.










Indicative Bibliography:
Kimberly, E, Foulds, The Nile Basin Initiative: Challenges to Implementaion, June 2010

D. Adel Abdel Razek, May 2008, July 2009, Egyptian Approach To Manage The Water Crisis in the Nile Basin within the Framework of Political and International Economic Analysis.

Mahmoud El Zain, 2007, Environmental Scarcity, Hydro politics and the Nile.

Hamdy A.Hassan and Ahmed Al Raashedy,2007, The Nile River and Egyptian Foreign Policy Interests.

Badr, G. Mourci, The Nile Water Queation: Background and Recent Developmnet, Revue Egyptienne De Droit Int., Vol. 15, 1959, pp. 94-117., Pombe, C. A., The Nile Waters Question, Symbolae Verzil, Martines Nijhoff, La Hay, 1958, pp. 275-294., Shahin, Alaa Eldine, Le Nile: UN. Instrument de cooperation inter-Africaine, Int. Symposium on the( Nile Basin), Instituteof African Research and Studies, Cairo University, March, 1987, pp. 58-66.

D O Mohamed Shawky Abdel Aal, Equitable utilization of water of International Rivers (River Nile as a special case)


There are faxes for this order.

Critically analyse the source below. Your analysis should be a sustained reflection on the detractions, merits, and implications of your chosen article. It should be no less than 1100 words and no more than 1300 words long.
1. Robert Kagan, 'Power and Weakness,' Policy Review, 13/2, June/July 2002.
Your analysis should critically interrogate the assumptions and commitments of the article chosen.
Whether you agree or disagree with the article chosen for the analysis, you should critically explore the claims being put forward, the assumptions (explicit or implicit) that underwrite these claims, and the implications for theory and/or practice that emerge from the article.

Kindly note that this article analysis should reflect American Foreign Policy, America and the World.
I will be sending an email to attach the file as a pdf.
References:
1- James M. Lindsay, 'Deference and Defiance: The Shifting Rhythms of Executive-Legislative Relations in Foreign Policy', Presidential Studies Quarterly, 333/3, 2003: 530-546
2- J. Goldsein, ?The contemporary presidency: Cheney, Vice-Presidential power and the War on Terror?, Presidential Studies Quarterly, 40:1 (2010)
3- W. G. Howell and J. C. Pevehouse, ?When Congress Stops Wars,? Foreign Affairs, September/October 2007
4- N. J. Ornstein and T. E. Mann, ?When Congress Checks Out?, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2006
5- N. J. Ornstein and T. E. Mann, ?When Congress Checks Out?, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2006
6- J. Newsome, ?Diplomacy Inc.: The Influence of Lobbies on US Foreign Policy,? Foreign Affairs, May/June 2009
7- L. Jacobs & B. Page, ?Who influences US foreign policy??, American Political Science Review, 99:1 (2005)
8- J. Mearsheimer & S. Walt, ?The Israel Lobby,? in London Review of Books, 23 March 2006 (http://www.lrb.co.uk/v28/n06/mear01_.html)

The text book can be found at www.coursesmart.com

All documents are attached to email

Primary Document Analysis Assignment

Your task is to evaluate the evidence contained in the documents and analyze their significance to issues in world history that have been discussed in class or are in the textbook. Examine the sources for relevant information and incorporate it into an overall analysis. First, read the appropriate chapters in Murrin and then read the three interviews on Blackboard. These will give background information and insight from men who contributed to making policy during the Cold War.

After this, read the five documents critically; contemplate what they might mean. The excerpted documents are The Long Telegram by George Kennan in 1946, The Sources of Soviet Conflict from Foreign Affairs by X (George Kennan), National Security Council Paper 68 (NSC 68), Nikolai Novikovs 1946 Telegram, and President Trumans 1947 Speech. Reading the documents, then do Part I and II.

Part I.

In written paragraphs, analyze each document separately utilizing the following approach and information. Incorporate information from the interviews to provide analysis. Answering these questions may necessitate going beyond the document itself. Analysis for each document should not be more than two pages.

WHO is the author of the document? WHAT is the authors relationship to what is being written?
WHO was the intended audience? Were they likely to be receptive? Why or why not?
WHAT is the subject of the document? WHAT are the key themes or issues? (Very important)
WHAT was the historical context in which the document was produced and read?
WHEN and WHERE did the author produce it? Are the locations relevant? They may or may not. Explain.
WHY did the author produce the document, what was its purpose?
WHAT were the expected/intended/possible/actual consequences?
Who else is mentioned in the document? What other people or events may be relevant?
What kind of biases are you able to detect in the document?
How might other sources support or contradict the findings in this document?

Identify the key issues and integrate the answers into an organized essay to explain the relevance of the document to understanding the Cold War.

Part II.

Write a short essay analyzing the causes of the Cold War and justification for attitudes
utilizing the individual document analysis for each of the five documents done in Part I and the interviews. Write an essay explaining how these documents can explain the origins and objectives of the Cold War. Include in this comments on how the Truman Doctrine and NSC 68 reflect concerns regarding the Soviet Union? Are these rational or overreaction? Utilize the information in the interviews and the documents as evidence to support your analysis and conclusions. This should be no more than three pages.

The format of the exercise is double-space with one-inch margins and 12-point font.

Quoting to illustrate points is important and should be utilized. While they must be put in quotation marks and an indication of the source, full footnote documentation is not necessary (simply indicate in parenthesis the author of the document referred to). Do not use long quotations, and do not leave quotations to stand alone in the hope that they will be understood as to why they were included. Explanation is a vital part of the essay. If you choose to include citations from other works (not the web) that were found in your bibliography, use the appropriate conventions of historical scholarship for footnotes and include a bibliography.

Part III.

Included in the analysis is to be an annotated bibliography. An annotated bibliography is a list of scholarly books and articles that deal with a particular subject and includes a brief description of the information found in the book or article. In this part of the assignment, identify 10 secondary sources (5 scholarly books from a reputable press, 5 scholarly articles from journals), and three primary sources. Each source should be correctly cited with a short, detailed summary that gives information about content. Each summary should be about 150 words. The annotation is written below the source. Organize the bibliography in the following manner:

Secondary sources
Scholarly books (5) [recent studies published by a reputable press]
Scholarly articles (5) [articles found in journals]
Primary sources (3) [documents that offer a first-hand account]

To do the annotation the source must be thoroughly examined.

For secondary sources, the annotation should contain the following information: What is the general subject? What is the authors main point or thesis? What are the authors chief sources? Why is this text useful to you in helping you understand the topic?

For primary documents, the following information is important: Who is the author of this document? What is his/her purpose in producing the document? Who is the intended audience? When and where was it written? (historical context) What kind of information does it contain? How is this document useful to understand the topic?

Book format:
Schwartz, Stuart. Implicit Understandings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Article format:
Stuart Schwartz, "Essay on Implicit Understandings," American Historical Review 21:4 (November,1994), 225-228.

The information describing the secondary book can be obtained from a book review or by personally examining the source. In either instance indicate from where the synopsis came, yourself or a reviewer. The information regarding an article or primary source must be consulted.

There are faxes for this order.

The main book is "The Historians of Ancient Rome", second edition, by Ronald Mellor.
The others are:
"A History of the Roman People", fifth edition, by Allen Ward, Fritz heichelheim, and Cedric Yeo (I have read some of this one too)
"Rubicon, The Last Years of the Roman Republic" by Tom Holland
"Augustan Culture", by Karl Galinsky
"The Roman Empire, A very short introduction" by Christopher Kelly

I need answers to all these questions within 24 hours please:
Question Pool:






1. A Roman could be important either by doing something great, or simply by being born into high status. In other words, Romans valued both accomplishment and privilege. Which of these two do you think was more prominent in Roman society? Argue for one over against the other. Your argument must incorporate an analysis of two things: a specific historical event or institution, and the point of view of a Roman writer. (Refer to the Mellor text by page number.)

2. In the early Republic, how did foreign affairs (Rome?s expansion) shape the social order at home (the struggle of the orders), and vice versa? Include examples of specific events to in your answer, drawing from Livy. (Refer to the Mellor text by page number.)

3. Discuss three individuals from this section who embody Roman values. Explain your selections. In your explanation, single one of them out as best representative of Roman values more than the other two, and defend your choice. (Refer to the Mellor text by page number.)

4. Identify and discuss significant, meaningful ways in which Livy?s treatment of the Punic Wars differs from that of Polybius? treatment. (Refer to the Mellor text by page number.)

5. Do you think Appian viewed the Gracchi brothers as martyrs for a good cause or reckless revolutionaries who received their just deserts? Do you agree with Appian? Of course, cite Appian (from the Mellor text) as you explain your answer. (TIP: You need to distinguish between a reformer and a revolutionary. They both want change, so what?s the difference?)

6. As Hyperbole, Hannibal?s personal secretary in 201 BC, you are writing an account of Hannibal's role in the recent Italian campaign. Describe and evaluate (from Hannibal?s point of view) Hannibal's journey from Spain to Italy, early battles through Cannae, Fabius and Marcellus after Cannae, why Hannibal failed to attack the city of Rome itself. What went wrong with the battle of Zama? You may write this as a journal, diary, letter, or whatever, but make sure this includes a Carthaginian interpretation of events and is not just a neutral narrative. You may ?spin? interpretations, but do not ?doctor? known facts.



I need a good full page with no space, using the references above to answer each question. Can you deliver in 24 hours?

Write an analysis discussing the issue's surrounding Iran's nuclear ambitions from a Canadian Strategic Studies point of view (politics and economics). Explain to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Canada the power of Iran's nuclear ambitions (in terms of economic, financial, military, social, global impacts, global strategy, political implications with Canada and the world, stratagems, warfare capabilities).

The analysis is political in nature and will be formatted according to Chicago, consistent throughout.

Structure:

AIM:

1. Provide the thesis (aim) of the analysis (Iran's nuclear amibitions, arguments surrounding this issue and implications, briefly)

DISCUSSION: (in greater detail with points mentioned earlier)

2. Each paragraph is to the point with relevant, current textual evidence as properly cited using Chicago formatting in endnotes. Try to avoid quoted arguments (unless absolutely necessary), rephrase others points of view then cite the reference in an endnote.

3. Keep in mind that you are writing to encapsulate an argument and the implications of issues surrounding Iran's nuclear ambitions.

CONCLUSION: Reinforce the thesis concisely

Additional info: do not use internet sources, only referreed material, substantiated journal articles, etc. Textual evidence must support each statement made.

As I am running out of time for my Master's thesis I need your help. My topic is 'Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP): Development and Prospects'.I have already written Chapter 1 entitled the 'Evolution of CESDP and includes a brief analysis of the evolution of european defence(Maastricht, Amsterdam Treaties, Saint-Malo Declaration,Helsinki, Feira etc). I want you to help me out with chapter 2 which has to be of 20pages.Its title should be 'The US attitude towards european defence'. It should start with the US worries about NATO's future after the end of the Cold War and its concerns when Europeans began to think that they should start developing more autonomous capabilities.Then it should discuss the three major worries the US had when CESDP began to gain momentum (after the St Malo declaration)-Albright's 3ds=no decoupling, no douplication, no discrimination, to continue with the impact the 9/11 had on ESDP and on the transatlantic relations. The chapter ends with a general discussion on the transantlantic rift that has grown particularly after the 2003 Iraq war and with a comparative analysis of the 2002 Bush Security Strategy versus the 2003 EU Security Strategy (Solana's paper= A secure Europe in a Better world'), proving that today as Robert Kagan says 'Europeans are from Venuis and Americans from Mars'.
Suggested bibliography includes:
1) Robert Kagan: 'Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the new world order' published by Alfred A. Knopf,Random House, 2003.
2)Robert E Hunter 'The european security and Defense Policy: NATO's companion or Competitor?, published in 2002 by RAND.
3) Jolyon Howorth and John TS. Keeler 'Defending Europe: the EU, NATO and the quest for european autonomy'
4) Stanley R Sloan 'The United States and European Defence', Challiot papers N0 29.


USEFUL SITES ARE:

http://www.cer.org.uk/
www isis.com
USEFUL ARTICLES CAN ALSO BE FOUND AT THE FOLLOWING JOURNALS:
1) EUROPEAN FOREIGN AFFAIRS REVIEW
2) SECURITY DIALOGUE
3) FOREIGN AFFAIRS
4) JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES


FOR FURTHER CLARIFICATIONS AND DETAILS PLEASE SEND ME AN E-MAIL IN THE FOLLOWING ADDRESS= [email protected]

Critique the European Union's 'holistic security policy' in its neighbouring region (Eastern Europe/Ex-USSR - Ukraine/Russia/Belarus). Analyse this region from different perspectives, 'holistic security policy' includes economic, political and traditional military power. Policies appropriate: EU Neighbourhood Policy, Common Security and Defence policy, Issues: Russia and oil, Belarus and democracy.
Possible research literature:
The EU and the ex-Soviet Union

Bukkvoll, Tor (1997) Ukraine and European Security, London: Pinter.

Dannreuther, Roland. (2006) ?Developing the Alternative to Enlargement: The European Neighbourhood Policy?. European Foreign Affairs Review, Vol. 11 No. 2, p183-201.

Emerson, Michael (2005) EU-Russia: Four Common Spaces and the Proliferation of the Fuzzy, CEPS Policy Brief No. 71

Emerson, Michael et al. (2006) A New Agreement between the EU and Russia: Why, what and when, CEPS Policy Brief No. 103

Emerson, Michael (ed) 2006 The Elephant and the Bear Try Again Options for a New Agreement between the EU and Russia, WWW.CEPS.BE
Dannreuther, Roland. (2006) ?Developing the Alternative to Enlargement: The European Neighbourhood Policy?. European Foreign Affairs Review, Vol. 11 No. 2, p183-201.

Emerson, Michael and G. Noutcheva (2004) Europeanisation as a Gravity Model of Democratisation, Centre for European Policy Studies: Working Document No. 214.

European Commission (2004) European Neighbourhood Policy Strategy Paper, COM 2004/ 373 final, Brussels 12.05.2004.

European Commission ?Europe in the World? Website. Country reports, Action Plans and progress evaluations related to the European Neighbourhood Policy are available.

European Commission (2001), The EU and Kaliningrad, COM (2001) 26/3-4.

European Commission (1999), Common Strategy of the European Union on Russia, 4 June, (1999/414/CFSP), Official Journal (L/157).

European Council on Foreign Relations (2007), A Power Audit of EU-Russia relations
, accessed 3 December 2007.

Ferrero-Waldner, Benita (2006) ?The European Neighbourhood Policy: The EU's Newest Foreign Policy Instrument?. European Foreign Affairs Review, Vol. 11 No. 2, p139-142

Forsberg, Tuomas. (2004) ?The EU --Russia Security Partnership: Why the Opportunity was Lost? European Foreign Affairs Review, 2004, Vol. 9 No. 2, p247-267.

Gowan, Peter (1995) Neoliberal theory and practice for Eastern Europe, New Left Review

Henderson, Karen and Neil Robinson (1997) Post-communist politics,
London: Prentice Hall.

Karaganov, Sergey (2005) Russia-EU Relations: The Present Situation and Prospects CEPS Working Document No. 225, WWW.CEPS.BE

Malcom, Neil (1994) Russia and Europe: an end to confrontation London: Pinter

M?ller, Martin (2008) ?Situating Identities: Enacting and Studying Europe at a Russian Elite University? Millennium - Journal of International Studies 2008 37: 3-25

Popov, Vladimir, (2007) ?Russia Redux? New Left Review 44, March-April 2007, pp37-52

Robinson, Neil (2004) Reforging the weakest link: global political economy and post-Soviet change in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus Aldershot: Ashgate.

Sachs,Jeffrey ?Consolidating Capitalism?, Foreign Policy, no. 98, spring 1995.

Smith, Michael E, and Mark Weber (2008) ?Political Dialogue and Security in the European Neighbourhood: The Virtues and Limits of ?New Partnership Perspectives?
European Foreign Affairs Review; Spring2008, Vol. 13 Issue 1, p73-95, 23p

Tassinari, Fabrizion (2006) A Synergy for Black Sea Regional Cooperation: Guidelines for an EU Initiative, CEPS Policy Brief No. 103.

Vahl, Marius (2001) Just Good Friends? The EU-Russian ?Strategic Partnership? and the Northern Dimension, CEPS Working Document No. 166 WWW.CEPS.BE

Weber, Mark (2000) Russia and Europe: Conflict and Cooperation Basingstoke, Macmillan.

White, S., Korosteleva, J. and I. McCallister, (2008). ?A Wider Europe? The View from Russia, Belarus and Ukraine?, Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 46. No. 2. pp. 219?241.

I want this writer to complet this paper: Serban Brebenel

[This Assignment is a Briefing paper]
Briefing paper Topic:
{You are a researcher for Amnesty International and have been asked to write a briefing paper drawing on examples of Amnesty International's human rights work in 2007-2008, that assesses the key human rights concerns in the world today and assesses whether members should be optimistic or pessimistic about the future of human rights globally and makes recommendations about actions to be taken locally and globally.}


-What is a briefing paper?
-Purpose
A common duty of a policy professional is to brief decision makers about a particular
issue, situation, or scenario. The purpose of a briefing is to provide a clear and concise exposition of the situation or issues, any policy dimensions and implications, and recommendations for action. For example, as an international human rights adviser, consultant or advocate, you may be called upon to provide a brief examining a particular issue, in the context of the development of human rights. Such a paper would provide advice towards policy on this issue as part of a broader human rights agenda or global justice regime.

You must have 100 word Abstract for their Briefing Paper.

Structure and content
A briefing paper should include:
1. An Executive Summary (about 1 page but not included in the word count for the assignment)

2. A clear statement of the topic of the brief and short summary of the issue (1 page): A concise statement of the topic to be considered, clearly outlining the purpose (and
relevance) of the paper to the reader = problem definition.

3. A relevant and brief background to the issue(s) (1 page): A concise summary of details necessary for the reader to understand how and why the topic is important (what led to this problem/issue, how it evolved, previous actions or decisions).

4. A concise analysis of the issues, policy implications, and policy options (3-4 pages): The aim is to present details necessary for the reader to make an informed decision. Drawing on questions formulated earlier to focus the topic, identify individual issues for analysis of current situation (who is involved, current status, approach)? key considerations (important facts, considerations, developments)? implications (relationship to sources of law/governance, distributional or political effectswho will gain and who will lose)? possible options (concise observations on advantages and disadvantages of each).
5. Conclusions and recommendations for action (3-4 pages): Summarise the main points that you want to make, clearly establishing a link to relevant parts of the main
body of the document. Recommendations should clearly direct the reader best through to worst option, substantiating why, with reference to facts and implications already advanced.

6. Annexes or appendices: Supplementary information the reader might find useful, but which is not necessarily crucial to understanding the issue.

Format
Word limit: 2,000 words (excluding ancillary information, table of contents, annexes, list of references or bibliography).
Sources: Minimum of 12 drawn from relevant law, theory, empirical evidence and secondary commentary.
Formatting: No boxes or bullet/dot points. You may use illustrations, charts and maps if relevant.

Before you submit
Ask yourself:
1. Is the purpose of the briefing note clear (did you formulate questions when drafting to
identify issues for consideration and to develop an overarching theme)?
2. Does it contain information that isnt essential to the purpose?
3. Is everything that needs to be in it there?
4. Is it easy to read and do sections lead logically from one to the other?
5. Have you substantiated statements?
6. Have I checked my referencing by submitting my draft to Turnitin? (See below).

Marking criteria:
Objectives: Described the problem and the scope of the paper in a wellstructured
Introduction.
Law and politics: Reviewed the international and regional human rights treaties and
principles, and/or the policies and laws raised by the problem.
Background: Clearly outlined the political, social and economic background of the
problem, appropriately using a range of sources?
Problemsolving:
Proposed a solution or plan of action and discussed the implications of your proposed solution.
Recommendations: Included a summary? a wellrounded
conclusion and set of recommendations.
References: Accurate referencing and list of all sources.
Expression: Correct spelling, grammar, and a competent use of academic English.
Format: Assignment submitted by the deadline, with correct formatting

-you must use this book:
{ Forsythe, David P. Human rights in international relations. Cambridge [England]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006 Edition 2nd Ed }
these are other resources you may use
-Recommended texts
Baylis, J., and S. Smith, Eds, The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004.

Brysk, A., Ed, Globalization and Human Rights, Berkeley, 2002.
Brown, Chris, Sovereignty, rights, and justice: international political theory today. Malden,MA: Blackwell Publishers, 2002.

Donnelly, Jack, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice, Cornell, 1989.

Dunne, Tim, and Nicholas Wheeler, Eds, Human Rights in Global Politics, Cambridge,
1999.
Evans, Tony, Ed, Human Rights Fifty Years On: A reappraisal, Manchester, 1998.
Freeman, Michael, Human Rights, Polity, Oxford, 2002.
Galtung, Johan, Human Rights in Another Key, Polity, Oxford, 1994.
Lauren, Paul Gordon, The Evolution of International Human Rights, Pennsylvania, 1998.
Pollis, A., and P. Schwab, Eds, Human Rights: new perspectives, new realities, Rienner,
2000.
Robertson, Geoffrey. Crimes Against Humanity, 3rd edition, Penguin, 2006.
White, Nigel D., The United Nations System: toward international justice, Reinner,
Boulder, 2002.
Useful journals and websites
Some relevant journals,
Alternatives *
Australian Journal of International Affairs *
Foreign Affairs *
Foreign Policy
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations
Human Rights Quarterly. This journal is highly relevant to many of the topics we
cover in this unit and it is worth checking the latest issues.
Access the electronic version of the journal from Vol. 17 (1995), at:
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/
International Affairs *
International Organization
International Review of the Red Cross
International Security
International Studies Quarterly
Journal of International Affairs
Millennium: Journal of International Studies
Middle East Report *
Review of International Studies
World Politics. Available electronically: at library homepage, select EJournals,
then
Project Muse.
Other important websites you may wish to access directly are:
The United Nations: http://www.un.org
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights: http://www.unhchr.ch/html/hchr.htm
Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal: http://www.un.org/ictr
Former Yugoslavia War Crimes Tribunal: http://www.un.org/icty
The International Criminal Court: http://www.icccpi.int
Coalition for an International Criminal Court: http://www.iccnow.org
Human Rights Watch: http://www.hrw.org
Amnesty International: http://www.amnesty.org/
Gendercide Watch: http://www.gendercide.org/gwmain.html
International Campaign to Ban Landmines: http://www.icbl.org
Human Rights and human welfare: http://www.du.edu/gsis/hrhw/main.html
The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity
Commission (Australia): http://www.hreoc.gov.au/
Human Rights Council of Australia: http://www.hrca.org.au/
Reconciliation Australia: http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/orgs/car/
Centre for Human Rights and the Environment: http://www.cedha.org.ar/
Center for Economic and Social Rights: http://www.cesr.org/

For some good examples of briefing papers, see the following:
European Parliament Briefing Papers on European Union Enlargement - links to several brifing papers analysing applicants to the EU (www.europarl.eu.int/enlargement/briefings/default_en.htm)
Africa Action - Nigeria Elections (2003) Briefing Paper (www.africaaction.org/docs03/nig0304b.htm)

A) First of all, I think its important to tell you the kind of course this is for, here is an excerpt from the syllabus:

This course will examine historical and spatial patterns of global conflict and security from Realist, Idealist, Critical, and Marxian schools of thought. We will then use these approaches to explore (1) the meaning of `conflict? and `security? in different historical periods and (2) issues surrounding these concepts in global politics as it has evolved over time.

B) Second, here are the proposal guidelines:

Length: 2-3 pages, double-spaced + annotated bibliography (single-spaced). Must be typed in Times New Roman 12 point font, on white paper, with adequate (1.25 inch) margins on each side of the page.

Proposal makeup:

1. The topic of your paper (chosen from the course syllabus) Here is a list of "general" topics we can choose from:

1)Let?s do some thinking: Global conflict and security? Sources and forms of conflict? Security of what? Where? In whose interests?
2)Why do we need theory? What kind of theory?
Understanding the causes of conflict I: Realist approaches to global conflict and security
3)Understanding the causes of conflict II: Liberal approaches to global conflict and security
4)Understanding the causes of conflict III: Marxian approaches to global conflict and security
5)Understanding the causes of conflict IV: Critical approaches to global conflict and security
6)The political economy of war & conflict I: From World War I & II to the Cold-War to the ? War on Terror?.
7)The political economy of war and conflict II: From war of national liberation to class conflict to civil war to revolution
8)Conflict and security in the Middle East: from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to war of resources to American empire
9)Broadening the security agenda I: The "Third World" Security predicament: from the Cold War era to the era of globalization
10)Broadening the Security Agenda II: From national security to environment to societal to human security

2. Your research question.

3. Your thesis (answer to your research question). A thesis is one sentence that captures the central/core/key argument of your paper. Your thesis should explicitly express a stand/position that you are taking. Thesis statements are usually framed as sentences starting with ?I will argue/show/demonstrate/suggest/??. By reading your thesis, the reader should be able to determine the general direction of your writing.

Example of a bad thesis statement: ?In this paper, I will demonstrate how liberal and realist accounts of international relations and security are related to the ways in which they perceive human nature?.

This is a bad thesis statement (in fact, it is not a thesis statement at all), for it merely states the topic chosen and an intention to write about it. A good thesis statement in this case should answer the question ?how liberal and realist accounts of international relations and security are related to the ways in which they perceive human nature??, that is, what is the relation between their assumptions about human nature and their accounts of international relations? It addition, it should include a claim/stand/position on this question.

Here is an example of a good thesis statement: ?In this paper, I will argue that the assumption of human nature which informs both realist and liberal approaches to international relations and security serves to mystify and naturalize the current world order by presenting a static view of social relations and thus makes both approaches complicit with the maintenance of the current unequal and oppressive world order.?

4. An explanation of the logic of your argument. In other words, I want you to explain how you intend to demonstrate the validity of your thesis. What are the arguments that you are going to bring forward in support of your thesis? How do these arguments support your thesis? How are they related to one another?

5. An annotated bibliography (single-spaced; 14 sources). Your annotated bibliography should include the two outside sources that you intend to use for your paper AND your 12 sources from the course material.

Your annotations must explicitly note how your topic is addressed in the sources (what is the main argument of each sources), and how you intend to use each of these sources (i.e. how the arguments put forth in the sources relate to your own argument, do the arguments complement your own, do they challenge your own, etc.).

Keep your annotations short: between 3-4 lines for each one.

C) Twelve of the below sources need to be used in the formation of the essay, each of them varies (somewhat) in their theoretical perspective (realist, liberal, marxist or critical theorist (feminist, etc.) I've categorized the readings based on the topic, I hope this is somewhat helpful.

1)Let?s do some thinking: Global conflict and security? Sources and forms of conflict? Security of what? Where? In whose interests?

Recommended Readings:
-K.J. Holsti, Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and International Order, 1648-1989 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, chapters 1, 12.
-K.J. Holsti, The State, War, and the State of War, pp. 19-40.
-Robert Jervis, "Models and Cases in the Study of International Conflict," Journal of International Affairs, 44 (Spring/Summer 1990), pp. 81-101.
-Thomas Schelling, The Strategy of Conflict, pp. 3-20. -Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era , Stanford, Cal: Stanford University Press, 2001, pp. 13-30, 69-89.
September 16 ? Why do we need theory? What kind of theory?
* Robert Cox, ?Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory,? Millennium 10:2 (1981), 126-155.
Hollis, Martin and Steve Smith. ?The Growth of a Discipline.? Explaining and Understanding International Relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990, pp.16-44.
Jim George, Discourses of Global politics. Boulder: Rienner, 1994, pp. 1-33.
David Campbell, Writing Security, revised edition. Manchester University Press, 1998, pp. 1-15.
Recommended Readings:
-Kenneth Walyz, ?laws and Theories,? Keohane (ed.) Neorealism and Its Critics . New York: Columbia UP, 1986, pp. 27-46.

2)Understanding the causes of conflict I: Realist approaches to global conflict and security

Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985, pp. 3-17.
Jack Levy, ?The Causes of War: A Review of Theories and Evidence.? In Tetlock et al., Behaviour, Society, and Nuclear War. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp.223-258.
* Bradley A. Thayer, ?Bringing in Darwin: Evolutionary Theory, Realism, and International Politics,? International Security, 25:2 (Fall 2000).

3)Understanding the causes of conflict II: Liberal approaches to global conflict and security

Mark W. Zacher and Richard A Matthew, ?Liberal International Theory: Common Threads, Divergent Strands,? in Kegley (ed.) Controversies in International Relations Theory: Realism and the Neoliberal Challenge, pp. 107-140.
Francis Fukiyama, ?the End of History?? National Interest, 16 Summer 1989, pp. 3-18.
** Thomas S. Szayna, Et al, ?C. The Democratic Peace Idea? in The Emergence of Peer Competitors: A Framework for Analysis , 2001. (http://www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR1346/)
* John M. Owen, ?How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace,? International Security, 19:2 (Fall 1994).
Recommended Readings:
-Stathis Kalyvas, "The Ontology of 'Political Violence': Action and Identity in Civil Wars," Perspectives on Politics, 1:3 (September 2003), pp. 475-494.

4)Understanding the causes of conflict III: Marxian approaches to global conflict and security

Cox, Robert W. ?Production and Security.? Building a New Global Order: Emerging Trends in International Security. Eds. Dewitt, Haglund and Kirton. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.
Cox, Robert. "Gramsci, Hegemony and International Relations: An Essay in Method." Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations. Ed. Stephen Gill. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993: 49-66.
McNally, David. ?The Marines Have Landed: War and Imperialism in the Age of Globalization.? Another World is Possible: Globalization and anti-Capitalism. Manitoba: Arbeiter Ring Publishing, 2002.
Aijaz Ahmad, ?Imperialism of our Time? Socialist Register, 2004.
Anthony Brewer, Marxist Theories of imperialism: A Critical Survey, pp 108-117.

-R.N. Berki, ?On Marxian Thought and the Problem of International Relations,? World Politics, 24:1 (October 1971).
-Samir Amin, ?1942? Monthly Review, 44:3 (July-August 1992).
-Daugherty and Pfaltzgraff, ?Economic Theories of Imperialism and War,? Contending Theories of International Relations: A Comprehensive Survey
-Behind the War on Iraq, by the Research Unit for Political Economy,? Monthly Review. http://www.monthlyreview.org/0503rupe.htm

5)Understanding the causes of conflict IV: Critical approaches to global conflict and security

** Goran Therborn, ?Dialectics of Modernity: On Critical Theory and the Legacy of Twentieth-Century Marxism,? NLR I/215, January-February 1996, pp. 59?81.
** Joshua Goldstein, War and Gender, 1-58. ?A Puzzle: The Cross-Cultural Consistency of Gender Roles in War,? http://www.warandgender.com/wgch1.htm
** Jim George, ?Patterns of Dissent and Celebration: Critical Social Theory and International Relations.?
Recommended Readings:
-Christoph Treiblmayr, "Militarism Revisited: Masculinity and Conscription in Germany," Journal of Contemporary History, 39:4 (2004), pp. 649-656.
-Mies and Shiva, Ecofeminism, London: Zed Books, 1993.
-Mies and Shiva's "Ecofeminism": ?A New Testament? Ecofeminism?
Review author[s]: Maxine Molyneux; Deborah Lynn Steinberg
Feminist Review, No. 49, Feminist Politics: Colonial/Postcolonial Worlds. (Spring, 1995), pp. 86-107.

6)The political economy of war & conflict I: From World War I & II to the Cold-War to the ? War on Terror?.

William H. McNeill, ?The Business of war in Europe: 1000-1600?
Huntington, Samuel. "The Clash of Civilizations?" Global Politics in a Changing World. Eds. Richard Mansbach and Edward Rhodes. 2nd ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2003, 409-21.
** Posen, Barry. "Command of the Commons: The Military Foundation of U.S. Hegemony." International Security, 28.1 (Summer 2003): 5-46.
** Samir Amin, ? The Political Economy of the Twentieth Century? Monthly Review, (June 2000). http://www.monthlyreview.org/600amin.htm
** The Editors, ?After the Attack ? The War on Terrorism,? Monthly Review, 53.6, November 2001.
Recommended Readings:
-Rahul Mahajan, ?New Crusade: The U.S. War on Terrorism,? Monthly Review, 53.9, November 2002.
-Magdoff, Hary. ?Imperialism: A historical Survey.? Sociology of ?Developing Societies.? Eds. Alavi & Shnin. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1982
-Perry Anderson, ?Force and Consent,? NLR 17 (September-October 2002), pp. 5?30.
-Samuel Huntington, ?Clash of Civilizations,? Foreign Affairs, 72:3 Summer 1993, pp. 22-49. http://www.alamut.com/subj/economics/misc/clash.html

7)The political economy of war and conflict II: From war of national liberation to class conflict to civil war to revolution

** Giovanni Arrighi, ?The Social and Political Economy of Global Turbulence?, NLR 20 (March-April 2003), pp. 5?71.
The Communist Manifesto, Part 1. http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html
** John Foran, ?Theories of Revolution Revisited: Toward a Fourth Generation?? Sociological Theory, 11.1 (Mar., 1993), pp. 1-20.
* V.P. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia," International Security, 19:3 (Winter 1994-95), 130-166.
Recommended Readings:
John Ruedy, Modern Algeria, pp. 80-93; 98-106;115-119;121-139;144-147;156-180
November 11 - The political economy of war and conflict

8)Conflict and security in the Middle East: from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to war of resources to American empire

Panitch and Gindin. ?Global Capitalism and American Empire.? Socialist Register 2004.
** Michael Klare, ?The New Geopolitics?, Monthly Review, 55.3 (July-August 2003).
* Mohammed H. Malek, ?Kurdistan in the Middle East Conflict?, NLR 175, May/June 1989, pp. 79?94.
Stephen Shalom, ?The United States and the Iran-Iraq War,? http://www.zmag.org/zmag/articles/ShalomIranIraq.html
** Ian Smart, ?Oil, the Super-Powers and the Middle East,? International Affairs, 53.1 (Jan. 1977), pp. 17-35.
Recommended Readings:
-Stephen Zunes, ?Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,? Tinderbox, 2002.
-Bulloch, John and Adel Darwish. Water Wars: Coming Conflicts in the Middle East. London: Victor Gollancz, 1993.
-Harvey, David. ?Consent to Coercion.? The New Imperialism. Oxford:Oxfor University Press, 2003: 183-213.
-Donald Neff , The U.S., Iraq, Israel, and Iran: Backdrop to War Journal of Palestine Studies, 20.4 (Summer, 1991), pp. 23-41.
-Simon Bromley , ?Oil and the Middle East: The End of US Hegemony?,? Middle East Report, No. 208, US Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Critical Assessments. (Autumn, 1998), pp. 19-22.
-Thomas L. McNaugher, ?Ballistic Missiles and Chemical Weapons: The Legacy of the Iran-Iraq War,? International Security,15.2. (Autumn, 1990), pp. 5-34.

9)Broadening the security agenda I: The "Third World" Security predicament: from the Cold War era to the era of globalization

Green & Luehrmann. ?Globalization: Cause or Cure for Underdevelopment?? Comparative Politics of the Third World. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2003.107-127.
Alexander Wendt and Michael Barnett, ?Dependent State Formation and Third World Militarization,? Review of International studies, 19:4 (October 1993), pp. 321-348.
Edward Azar and Chung-in Moon, ?Third World National security: Toward a New Conceptual Framework,? International Interactions, 11:2 (1984), pp. 103-135.
** Charles Tilly, "War Making and State Making as Organized Crime", in Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Theda Skocpol, eds., Bringing the State Back In, 169-191.
Recommended Readings:
-Raju G.C. Thomas , What is Third World Security?? Annual Review of Political Science, Vol 6. (June 2003), pp. 205-232.
-M. Ayoob, ?Security in the Third World: The Worm about to Turn?? in International Affairs 60:1 (Winter 1983-4), pp. 41-52.
-Fred Magdoff , A Precarious Existence: The Fate of Billions? Monthly Review, 55.9 (February 2004).

10)Broadening the Security Agenda II: From national security to environment to societal to human security

Tom Keating, ?Redefining Security in the Post-Cold War Era.?
UNDP (1998), ?The State of Human Development, Human Development Report, New York: Oxford University Press.
Astri Suhrke, "Human Security and the Interests of States," Security Dialogue, 30:3 (1999), pp. 265-276.
** Thomas Homer-Dixon, "Environmental Scarcities and Violent Conflict: Evidence from Cases," International Security, 19:1 (Summer 1994), pp. 5-40
Recommended Readings:
-Keith Kraus, ?Rationality and Deterrence in Theory and Practice,? In Craig Snyder (ed.) Contemporary Secuirty Strategy, pp. 120-149
-Lipschutz, Ronnie D. "On Security." On Security. Ed. Ronnie D. Lipschutz. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1995. pp. 1-23.
-Ole Waver, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup and Pierre Lemaitre, eds., Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe, pp. 17-92, 148-166.
-Edwar C. Luck and Toby Tister Gati, ?Whose Collective Security?? The Washington Quarterly, Spring 1992, pp. 43-56.
-David Baldwin, "Security Studies and the End of the Cold War," World Politics, 48:1 (October 1995), pp. 117-141.
-Karen Litfin, "Constructing Environmental Security and Ecological Interdependence," Global Governance, 5 (1999), pp. 359-377. -Simon Dalby, "Ecology and Security Studies," Environmental Security, pp.143-162.
-J.R. McNeill. "Diamond in the Rough: Is There a Genuine Environmental Threat to Security? A Review Essay." International Security 30, No. 1 (Summer 2005), pp. 178-195.

11)Security in the post 9/11 era: The political use of violence terror

Gill, S. Power and Resistance in the New World Order. London and New York: Macmillan-Palgrave, 2003: 181-210.
Paul R. Pillar, ?The Dimensions of Terrorism and Counter Terrorism.?
** Gary C. Gambill, ?The Balance of Terror: War by Other Means in the Contemporary Middle East? Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 28, No. 1. (Autumn, 1998), pp. 51-66.
David Apter, "Political Violence in Analytical Perspective," in David Apter, ed., The Legitimization of Violence, 1-32.
** Leo, Panitch, ?Whose Violence? Imperial State Security and the Global Justice Movement.?
Recommended Readings:
-Cindy C. Combs, Terrorism in the 21st Century, 3rd ed. 2002.
-Elizabeth Picard, "The Lebanese Shi'a and Political Violence in Lebanon," in David Apter, ed., The Legitimization of Violence, 189-233. -Adrian Guelke, The Age of Terrorism, pp. 1-17, 143-161. -Malcolm Deas, "Violent Exchanges: Reflections on Political Violence in Colombia," in David Apter, ed., The Legitimization of Violence, 350-404. -Bruce Hoffmann, "The Logic of Suicide Terrorism," The Atlantic Monthly, June 2003. Mary Anne Weaver, "The Real bin Laden," The New Yorker, 24 January 2000.

In addition to these twelve sources, I need references to

1 scholarly book published after 2001 (collected works are not acceptable)

1 recent peer-evaluated article from a scholarly journal

Suffice to say, its expected that we keep the page limit to below 3 pages, however, I've alloted an extra 2 pages since the requirements ask for a single-spaced annotated bibliography, plus if you want to make the content of the proposal longer (if the annotated bibliography doesnt need the extra room) go ahead!

However, if you deem it necessary to include a works cited/bibliography page, please use MLA.

Thank You!

Nationalism

Questions: Why is nationalism relevant to the experience of ethnic conflict? What are the main points Perlmutter highlights about nationalism and ethnic conflict? Which emotions does Mosi identify with specific regions of the world in his clash of emotions analysis?

o Foulie Psalidas-Perlmutter, The Interplay of Myths and Realities, Orbis (Spring 2000): 237-244.
o Neal G. Jesse and Kristen P. Williams. Ethnic Conflict. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2011, pp. 1-22.
Carnegie Council YouTube Channel, Dominique Mosi: Humiliation, Hope, & Fear, http://www.youtube.com/carnegiecouncil#p/search/0/grC5XSzSCFM
? Dominique Mosi, The Clash of Emotions, Foreign Affairs January/February 2007 86 (1): 1-3 online, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/62267/ dominique-mo%C3%83%C2%AFsi/the-clash-of-emotions

N.B. The Foreign Affairs article complements the Carnegie video for those members particularly interested in Mosis analysis.

? Read Perlmutter and reflect on the following definition:
Nationalism is generally used to describe two phenomena:
(1) the attitude that the members of a nation have when they care about their national identity and
(2) the actions that the members of a nation take when seeking to achieve (or sustain) self-determination.
(1) raises questions about the concept of nation (or national identity), which is often defined in terms of common origin, ethnicity, or cultural ties, and while an individuals membership in a nation is often regarded as involuntary, it is sometimes regarded as voluntary.
(2) raises questions about whether self-determination must be understood as involving having full statehood with complete authority over domestic and international affairs, or whether something less is required.
It is traditional, therefore, to distinguish nations from states ??" whereas a nation often consists of an ethnic or cultural community, a state is a political entity with a high degree of sovereignty.
While many states are nations in some sense, there are many nations which are not fully sovereign states. As an example, the Native American Iroquois constitute a nation but not a state, since they do not possess the requisite political authority over their internal or external affairs. If the members of the Iroquois nation were to strive to form a sovereign state in the effort to preserve their identity as a people, they would be exhibiting a state-focused nationalism.

Realists, like Robert Gilpin, the fundamental nature of international relations has not changed over the millennia. International relations continue to be a recurring struggle for wealth and power among independent actors in a state of anarchy.

Innovators, like K.J. Holsti, War today is not the same phenomenon it was in the eighteenth century, or even in the 1930s. It has different sources and takes on significantly different characteristics.

Max Weber ??" a compulsory political organization with continuous operations will be called a state insofar as its administrative staff successfully upholds the claims to the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force in the enforcement of its order

Source: Christopher Pierson. The Modern State. London and New York: Routledge, 1996, p. 7.

? Let us consider the features to identify the mechanisms of the state:

(monopoly) control of the means of violence
Territoriality
Sovereignty
Constitutionality
impersonal power, i.e., leaders not seen to act on a personal basis, but rather because of their public position as occupants of particular offices of state
the public bureaucracy
authority/legitimacy
citizenship
taxation

Is human nature a cause of conflict? Is conflict rooted in the nature of man? Waltzs first image in Man, the State and War ??" nature versus nurture

In our discussions, the learning community will go beyond human nature to explore roots of nationalism, analyze contexts: historical, cultural and economic explanations

Find general explanation for existence of nationalism

Human nature ??" instinctive behavior

Contexts ??" historical, cultural and economic explanations

Identity and behavior are partly genetic, but they are also shaped by context and choice. In politics, they are resources waiting to be used by politicians and their supporters for their own advantage. Human nature provides the necessary condition for ethnocentric behavior, but politics converts this into the sufficient conditions for nationalism as we understand it today.

James G. Kellas. The Politics of Nationalism and Ethnicity. Second Edition. New York: St. Martins Press, 1998, p. 26.

Consider the contextual conditions in which nationalism, as we understand it, developed from ethnocentrism, and ethnicity became nationhood.

Focus on three distinct though related facets of society: politics, economics and culture.

Politics is essentially about power and authority. We are especially interested in the nature of the polity (the state, principality, clan, etc.) and how it relates to the nation. In particular, the politics of nationalism is about control over that state. Exclusion from power, and discrimination, affects particular nations in multinational states. Nationalism is a struggle to get power for the nation, against the forces that exclude and discriminate. This is encapsulated in the principle of national self-determination.

The focus on economics concerns the pursuit of wealth and how the economy divides people into occupational classes. Are there economic explanations for nationalism? Exclusions and discrimination can be economic as well as political, and will lead to nationalism if these are perceived as directed against particular nations. (the greed factor, modernization explanation)

Culture is about identity and status in terms of birth, family, language, religion and so on. Ethnicity and nationalism - usually considered to be more clearly related to culture than to anything else. Thus national identity forms the basis of nationalism, and exclusions and discrimination operate against people whose national identity is unacceptable to the state or to other nations. It is probably true that ethnocentrism is universal, but nationalism is the result of particular patterns of political power involving nations in superior and subordinate positions in the state.

To enter the period of nations and nationalism, with a world based on the legitimacy of nation-states, all three dimensions of politics, economics and culture had to be transformed, indeed constructed. Thus the polity had to become a centralized state, the economy had to be modern not feudal, and culture had to replace ethnicity with something which can become nationhood. This is a constructionist view of nations and nationalism, and implies that a non-national, non-nationalist alternative exists, and can be constructed.

Nation-State Failure

o nation-states fail because they can no longer deliver political goods to their people ??" their governments lose legitimacy and, in the eyes and hearts of a growing plurality of its citizens, the nation-state itself becomes illegitimate

o failed states are tense, deeply conflicted, dangerous, and bitterly contested by warring factions ??" in most failed states, government troops battle armed revolts led by one or more rivals ??" official authorities in a failed state sometimes face two or more insurgencies, varieties of civil unrest, differing degrees of communal discontent, and a plethora of dissent directed at the state and at groups within the state

o failure for a nation-state looms when violence cascades into all-out internal war, when standards of living massively deteriorate, when the infrastructure of ordinary life decays, and when the greed of rulers overwhelms their responsibilities to better their people and their surroundings

o the civil wars that characterize failed states usually stem from or have roots in ethnic, religious, linguistic, or other inter-communal enmity

o the fear of the other thatdrives so much ethnic conflict may stimulate and fuel hostilities between ruling entities and subordinate and less-favored groups ??" avarice also propels antagonism, especially when discoveries of new, frequently contested sources of resource wealth, such as petroleum deposits or diamond fields, encourage that greed

Nationalism ??" which 19th century thinkers clearly foretold the influence this movement would have in history and in the present century? Isaiah Berlin identifies Moses Hess, who, in 1862, in his book Rome and Jerusalem, affirmed that the Jews had the historic mission of uniting communism and nationality. But this was exhortation rather than prophecy, and the book remained virtually unread save by Zionists of a later day.

Nationalism was, by and large, regarded in Europe as a passing phase. The desire on the part of most men to be citizens of a state coterminous with the nation which they regarded as their own, was considered to be natural Nationalism as a sentiment and an ideology was not equated with national consciousness.

The need to belong to an easily identifiable group had been regarded since ancient times as a natural requirement on the part of human beings: families, clans, tribes, estates, social orders, classes, religious organizations, political parties, and finally nations and states, were historical forms of the fulfillment of this basic human need. No one particular form was, perhaps, as necessary to human existence as the need for food or shelter, security or procreation, but some form of it was indispensable.

Common ancestry, common language, customs, traditions, memories, continuous occupancy of the same territory for a long period of time, were held to constitute a society. This kind of homogeneity emphasized the differences between one group and its neighbors, the existence of tribal, cultural or national solidarity, and with it, a sense of difference from, often accompanied by active dislike or contempt for, groups with different customs and different real or mythical origins; and so was accepted as both accounting for and justifying national statehood.

Nationalism ??" the elevation of the interests of the unity and self-determination of the nation to the status of supreme value before which all other considerations must, if need be, yield at all times, an ideology to which German and Italian thinkers seemed particularly prone ??" was looked on by observers of a more liberal type as a passing phase due to the exacerbation of national consciousness held down and forcibly repressed by despotic rulers aided by subservient churches.

There was a common belief that nationalism was the ephemeral product of the frustration of human craving for self-determination, a stage of human progress, due to the workings of impersonal forces and the ideologies thereby generated by them. The supposition was that the phenomenon of nationalism itself would disappear with its causes, which in their turn would be destroyed by:

the irresistible advance of enlightenment, whether conceived in moral or technological terms ??" the victory of reason or of material progress or of both ??" identified with changes in the forces of relations and production, or with the struggle for social equality, economic and political democracy and the just distribution of the fruits of the earth
the destruction of national barriers by world trade or by the triumphs of science and a morality founded on rational principles, and so the full realization of human potentialities which sooner or later would be universally achieved.

Nationalism ??" the conviction, in the first place, that men belong to a particular human group, and that the way of life of the group differs from that of others; that the characters of the individuals who compose the group are shaped by, and cannot be understood apart from, those of the group, defined in terms of common territory, customs, laws, memories beliefs, language, artistic and religious expression, social institutions, ways of life, to which some add heredity, kinship, racial characteristics; and that it is these factors which shape human beings, their purposes and their values.

(levels of analysis ??" individual level not just elites, masses to consider ??" as well as political leaders utilizing rational calculations (cost-benefit in their own self-interest: power and prestige) elites foster mass hostility ??" help to form mass perceptions about others as the enemy ??" instrumentalism ??" manipulation dependent on the depth/extent of grievances ??" in attempts to end ethnic conflict, there are individuals not satisfied with a peaceful resolution of the conflict ??" assess the role of spoilers on the insider/on the outside (external to the peace process) elite and communal involvement necessary for peace to evolve into conflict resolution

Secondly, that the pattern of life of a society is similar to that of a biological organism; that what this organism needs for its proper development, which those most sensitive to its nature articulate in words or images or other forms of human expression, constitutes its common goals; that these goals are supreme; in cases of conflict with other values, which do not derive from the specific ends of a specific organism ??" intellectual or religious or moral, personal or universal ??" these supreme values should prevail, since only so will the decadence and ruin of the nation be averted.

Thirdly, this outlook entails the notion that one of the most compelling reasons, perhaps the most compelling, for holding a particular belief, pursuing a particular policy, serving a particular end, living a particular life, is that these ends, beliefs, policies, lives, are ours. Rules are to be followed because these values are those of my group ??" for the nationalist, of my nation; these thoughts, feelings, this course of action, are good or right, and I shall achieve fulfillment or happiness by identifying myself with them, because they are demands of the particular form of social life into which I have been born.

Finally, full-blown nationalism has arrived at the position that, if the satisfaction of the needs of the organism to which I belong turns out to be incompatible with the fulfillment of the goals of other groups, I, or the society to which I indissolubly belong, have no choice but to force them to yield, if need be by force. If my group ??" let us call it a nation ??" is freely to realize its true nature, this entails the need to remove obstacles in its path. Nothing that obstructs that which I recognize as my ??" that is, my nations ??" supreme goal, can be allowed to have equal value with it.

Nationalism has assumed many forms since its birth in the eighteenth century, especially since its fusion with tatism, the doctrine of the supremacy in all spheres of the state, in particular the nation-state, and after its alliance with the forces making for industrialization and modernization, once its sworn enemies.

Nationalism retains four characteristics:

the belief in the overriding need to belong to a nation;
in the organic relationships of all the elements that constitute a nation;
in the value of our own simply because it is ours;
and finally, faced by rival contenders for authority or loyalty, in the supremacy of its claims.
These ingredients, in varying degrees and proportions, are to be found in all the rapidly growing nationalist ideologies which at present proliferate on the earth.

Domestic level ??"

Theories - domestic actors ??" interests to differentiate actors ??" Protestant community in Northern Ireland ??" preference for British rule

powers ??" a distribution of resources used to achieve goals ??" Chinese in Malaysia who possess a great deal of the economic wealth of the country while the Malays maintain most of the political control and occupy the political offices

organization ??" groups organize in a way that best suits their interests and powers ??" main organizational expression of the ethnic group is the political pary ??" exist mainly to contest elections

state responses to ethnic conflict ??" in a hegemonic state, the state is partisan ??" apartheid in South Africa

international level ??" when USSR collapsed and Cold War ended, the US no longer had need for Yugoslavia to serve as a buffer ??" lack of interest by worlds remaining superpower and deteriorating conditions in Yugoslavia led to a struggle for power among three main ethnic groups, each seeking to gain territory and power at the expense of the others

diasporas and ethnic ties across borders ??" ethnic kin that love in a different state or states are potential international factors in ethnic conflict ??" can provide material and emotion support for ethnic groups ??" alternatively by withholding support, the diaspora community makes it more difficult for ethnic conflict to erupt and continue ??" diasporas are among the most prominent actors that link international and domestic spheres of politics

non-ethnic ties and external intervention as a contributing factor of ethnic conflict ??" realism ??" 1970s India support for Bengalis in East Pakistan ??" contributed to break up of Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh ??" support for Bengali Muslims ??" India weakens its regional rival ??" security dilemma

While the infliction of a wound on the collective feeling of a society, or at least of its spiritual leaders, may be a necessary condition for the birth of nationalism, it is not a sufficient one; the society must, at least potentially, contain within itself a group or class of persons who are in search of a focus for loyalty or self-identification, or perhaps a base for power, no longer supplied by earlier forces for cohesion ??" tribal, or religious, or feudal, or dynastic, or military ??" such as was provided by the centralizing policies of the monarchies of France and Spain, and was not provided by the rulers of German lands.

In some cases, these conditions are created by the emergence of new social classes seeking control of a society against older rulers, secular or clerical. If to this is added the wound of conquest, or even cultural disparagement from without, of a society which has at any rate the beginnings of a national culture, the soil for the rise of nationalism may be prepared.

For nationalism to develop in a society, that society must, in the minds of at least some of its most sensitive members, carry an image of itself as a nation, at least in embryo, in virtue of some general unifying factor or factors ??" language, ethnic origin, a common history (real or imaginary) ??" ideas and sentiments which are relatively articulate in the minds of the better educated and more socially and historically minded, a good deal less articulate, even absent from, the consciousness of the bulk of the population.

This national image, which makes those in whom it is found capable of resentment if it is ignored or insulted, also turns some among them into a conscious intelligentsia, particularly if they are faced by some common enemy, whether within the state or outside it ??" a church or a government or foreign detractors. These are the men who speak or write to the people, and seek to make them conscious of their wrongs as a people ??" poets and novelists, historians and critics, theologians, philosophers and the like.

Thus, resistance to French hegemony in all spheres of life began in apparently remote region of aesthetics and criticism. In the German lands it became a social and political force, a breeding ground of nationalism. Among the Germans it took the form of a conscious effort by writers to liberate themselves ??" and others ??" from what they felt to be asphyxiating conditions ??" at first from the despotic dogmas of the French aesthetic legislators, which cramped the free development of the spirit.

The wounds inflicted upon one society by another, since time immemorial, have not in all cases led to a national response. For that, something more is needed ??" namely, a new vision of life with which the wounded society, or the classes or groups which have been displaced by political and social change, can identify themselves, around which they can gather and attempt to restore their collective life. Thus both the Slavophil and the populist movements in Russia, like German nationalism, can be understood only if one realizes the traumatic effect of the violent and rapid modernization imposed on the country by Peter the Great, as it has been, on a smaller scale, by Frederick the Great in Prussia ??" that is, the effect of technological revolutions or the development of new markets and the decay of old ones, the consequent disruption of the lives of entire classes, the lack of opportunity for the use of their skills by educated men psychologically unfit to enter the new bureaucracy, and, finally, in the case of Germany, occupation or colonial rule by a powerful foreign enemy which destroyed traditional ways of life and left men, and the most sensitive and self-conscious among them ??" artists, thinkers, whatever their professions ??" without an established position, insecure and bewildered. There is then an effort to create a new synthesis, a new ideology, both to explain and justify resistance to the forces working against their convictions and ways of life, and to point in a new direction and offer them a new centre for self-identification.

In the early twentieth century, Asians and Africans were thought of almost exclusively in terms of their treatment by Europeans. Whether they are imperialists, or benevolent paternalists, or liberals and socialists outraged by conquest and exploitation, the peoples of Africa and Asia are discussed either as wards or victims or Europeans, but seldom, if ever, in their own rights, as peoples with histories and cultures of their own; with a past and present and future which must be understood in terms of their own actual character and circumstances; or if the existence of such indigenous cultures is acknowledged, as in the case of, let us say, India or Persia, China or Japan, it tends to be largely ignored when the needs of these societies in the future is discussed. Consequently, the notion that a mounting nationalism might develop in these continents was not seriously allowed for.

FIELD OF STUDY
Foreign Military Studies / General Studies
RESEARCH QUESTION
Has the Australian Defense Force (ADF) broken the code to successful integration of joint-interagency support during the conduct of military operations?
BACKGROUND AND SIGNIFICANCE
After the end of Australian involvement in the Vietnam War the government of Australia decided it was time for reorganization of the departments supporting the military services, Army, Navy and Air Force and recommended the unification into one single Department of Defense. The government accepted the recommendations creating a unified Defense Force Staff with associated postings to support the effort, and on 9 February 1976 the Australian Defense Force (ADF) was born. Over the course of the next thirty years the ADF would continually redefine its role and how it interacts with supporting / supported government agencies in the conduct of military operations.
The contemporary security situation that exists today cannot be compared to the Cold War paradigm of the past that formed the parameters for military operations and interaction with foreign governments. The target set that presents itself is entirely new with added complexities that military forces neither trained, nor were expected to perform in the course of normal operations. A better understanding of the regional security situation at an earlier stage enabled the ADF to be prepared for the 21st century prior to others. Interaction with all aspects of government sooner in an officers career has significant impact on the ability to work in and out of government circles.
Operations in the Solomon Islands, East Timor and more recently in Afghanistan and Iraq have showcased Australias ability to conduct military ventures with a joint-interagency approach far surpassing its nearest ally. This whole of government approach (WOG) that the Australians utilize appears close to mastery with the recent successes over the spectrum of conflict in their region and globally. In the complex security situation of the 21st century we find ourselves immersed in politics as much as warfighting upon the onset of conflict, so much that the acronym PMESII [political, military, economic, social, information and infrastructure] has been developed by the US military to aide in planning and execution and give a greater awareness of its role in the conduct of military operations. Australias tri-service attitude and depth and breadth of knowledge across government bears further attention and might hold a glimpse of the future of US military action.
WORKING HYPOTHESIS
The Australian Defence Force has developed a keen sense for joint interagency operations since reorganizing as one multi-capable tri-service after 1976, serving as a model for western militaries seeking a whole of government approach in the security situation of the 21st century. Further analysis will inform and define what brought about this radical change in the ADF and what direction it will take in future joint interagency operations.
METHODOLOGY
The intent of this monograph is to inform the reader through the most practical and simple means of explanation available. Complexities will be spared where they only serve to confuse the reader and care taken to ensure that the issue of the ADFs ability to work across the PMESII spectrum is fully analyzed. The approach will look historically over past operations and recent ones to showcase examples of Australian interagency efforts from the Solomons to Iraq.
The Australian Defence Forces (ADF) involvement, over the period 1993 to 2006, in a range of operations and aspects of conventional conflict and the ADFs whole of government (WOG) approach is analyzed in what follows. During this time period the ADF saw activity in the following: Operation Solace (1993) Somalia; Operation Lagoon (September-October 1994) Bougainville; Truce Monitoring Group (TMG) and Peace Monitoring Group (PMG) Bougainville (1997-2001); International Force East Timor (INTERFET) and United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) (1999-2002); Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan (2001-2006); and Operation Iraqi Freedom (2003-2006). What makes these operations unique is the stated fact by the Australian Government for the continued and increased Whole of Government approach to the conduct of military operations. For the purpose of this monograph only three of these operations will be looked at in an attempt to analyze and estimate the effectiveness of the operation and reasons tied to the success of the ADFs WOG approach.
The rationale for this approach will allow the reader to gain insight into the inner workings of how the ADF is founded with a close relationship to government that begins in the early stages of an Australian officers career and continues ascendancy of rank and promotion. The operations chosen cover a recent time period of exceptionally high operating tempo for Australias forces.
There are numerous government white papers and pamphlets produced on the subject of military operations and governance, as well as numerous studies of each of the proposed operations that will be researched. Thorough examination of the success and failure in the Australian Defense Forces whole of government operations will give an indication of what is required for success in future operations as well as potential indicators of success that may well be leveraged by allied forces in the future conduct of operations in the contemporary security situation f the 21st century and beyond.

PRELIMINARY BIBLIOGRAPHY
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There are faxes for this order.

This is a term Paper about an article from "Foreign Affairs, vol. 76. no.5 (september/October 1997), pp. 183-197 from author Anne-Marie Slaughter, "The Real New World Order".
It is not intended to be an examination of empirical issues such as activities of a particular international organization. HIt has to provide a critical analysis of this article. regardless of what you select for your topic , make sure that this paper is Focused (and , hence, that it is manageable for an exercise of this length, i.e.brevity) and that you provide a sustained analysis of ideas. The essay should be grounded in a close reading of the text and should include a statement explaining why you support a aprticular argumentation. Please do not offer a detailed summary of the reading.
Please, please try to help me without plagiarism, because I am in a very difficult situation.
There are faxes for this order.

This paper is about the election of 1992. It should focus on Clinton's platform on the economy and how he used this to win the election. it should prove that it was dificult to beat the incumbent president george bush. It should show that president bush was popular from desert storm. if possible it should also show that clinton was a sacrifice that the democratic party used shure he would lose.

The paper must be at least 4 full pages double spaced in 12 point font!!!!

this paper must use only primary sources!!!

the professor said the following:
creative and original thinking about American history and society will be rewarded with high marks. You will be required to utilize primary sources to write your paper. You can weave general historical interpretation into your paper, but secondary sources are discouraged for this assignment.

i have included several newspaper articles. Each of them must be used in the paper and cited on the works cited page. also please cite a couple more sources including My life by Bill Clinton

Newspaper articles:



Copyright 1992 Union Leader Corp.
The Union Leader (Manchester, NH)

November 1, 1992 Sunday ALL EDITIONS

SECTION: SECTION B Pg. 3

LENGTH: 1059 words

HEADLINE: (COLUMN: DOME) Look for Bush To Win Re-Election on Tuesday

BODY:
IN A DRAMATIC climax to what has been a weird and volatile political year, President George Bush will not only carry New Hampshire but win re-election.

The razor-thin come-from-behind miraculous victory will stun pollsters, pundits and national media who for six months have insisted that you will vote for Bill Clinton.

It will occur because a lot of people will finally realize the Arkansas Governor is stretching credibility by out-promising "readmy lips" Bush. Clinton promises to spend billions, generate only high-wage jobs, provide affordable health care for everybody, a college education for all, and tax only the rich. Yet when it comes to a really tough issue he can't seem to make a firm decision and many fear Clinton's performance in a Desert Storm or Middle East crisis situation.

And "let's get under the hood and then hike the gas tax 50-cents" Ross Perot will be enough of a spoiler to reopen the White House door for Bush. We're convinced that one-liner Perot - whose only campaign trail is paid TV - has enough money to buy anything except a Presidential election.

Sure, our forecast is going out on a limb when everybody has picked Clinton, but we remember when we said President Gerald Ford would edge Ronald Reagan in the 1976 New Hampshire Presidential primary and Ford did it by just 1,587 votes in the closest primary ever.

It's a tough choice Tuesday and, if you're part of the "let's blame Bush because what has he done for me today" crowd looking for the quick fix, you're bound to be sadly disappointed.

Here in New Hampshire, as about 521,000 go to the polls, Bush will hold on to win, 43 percent to 39 for Clinton, 17 for Perot and one percent for Libertarian Andre Marrou.

In a classic income tax referendum, Granite Staters will elect Republican former attorney general Steve Merrill governor with 52.4 percent over a strong challenge by Democrat state Representative Deborah Arnie Arnesen with 45 percent. Libertarian Miriam Luce will runthird with 2.6 percent and, because of the intensity of the Merrill-Arnesen fight, fail to attain the 3 percent necessary to retain future ballot status for her party.

The state's first major party female nominee for governor, Arnesen advocates a 6 percent state income tax package promising property tax relief and more money for education. But the details of her tax and any guarantee that the money won't be used for other things won't come until after the election and enactment of the new tax. Merrill will veto such a levy, insisting that such a tax will only add to the burden, trigger more spending and delay economic recovery.

Succeeding Republican U.S. Sen. Warren Rudman will be outgoing Gov. Judd Gregg who will top Democrat John Rauh 52 to 42 percent, with Libertarian Katherine Alexander, and independents sharing the rest of the votes.

Republican First District Congressman Bill Zeliff will win a second term 50.5 to 46.5 percent over a strong bid by Democrat Bob Preston with Libertarian Knox Bickford and independents sharing the residue.

Democrat Second District Congressman Dick Swett will gain his second term 57 to 42 percent over Republican Bill Hatch with Libertarian John Lewicke bringing up the rear.

THE FIVE-MEMBER, all-Republican Executive Council will remain firmly in GOP control with an eighth term for Ray Burton of Bath in the First District, Bob Hayes of Concord the new Second District member, a fourth term for Third District councilor Ruth Griffin of Portsmouth, a fourth term for Fourth District councilor Earl Rinker and a record 11th term for Fifth District councilor Bernard Streeter of Nashua.

The current 13-11 Republican edge in the 24-member state Senate will become 14-10.

District 1: Democrat Carole Lamirande of Berlin will edge out GOP nominee Frederick King of Colebrook in a tight race to succeed retiring Democrat Sen. Otto Oleson of Gorham.

District 2: Democrat Sen. Wayne King of Rumney will survive a tough fight with GOP conservative Glenn Sharp of Bristol and get a third term.

District 3: Republican Ken MacDonald of Wolfeboro will top Democrat Lee Webb of Sandwich to succeed retiring Sen. Roger Heath of Center Sandwich.

District 4: Republican Sen. Leo Fraser of Pittsfield gets a second term. District 5: GOP Sen. Ralph Hough of Lebanon for an eighth term.

District 6: Conservative Republican George Lovejoy edges Democrat Charles Grassie Jr. to succeed Senate President Ed Dupont in Rochester.

District 7: GOP Sen. Dave Currier of Henniker gets a third term.

District 8: Democrat Sen. George Disnard for a fourth term.

District 9: A fifth term for GOP Sen. Sheila Roberge of Bedford.

District 10: A 12th term for Senate dean Junie Blaisdell of Keene.

District 11: GOP conservative Dave Wheeler of Milford succeeds GOP Sen. Charlie Bass of Peterborough whom he dumped in the primary.

District 12: Democrat Barbara Baldizar of Nashua who defeated Democrat Sen. Barbara Pressly in the primary, tops GOP Tom Stawacz of Hollis.

District 13: Democrat Debora Pignatelli wins over GOP Don Davidson for the Nashua seat of retiring Democrat Sen. Mary Nelson. District 14: A second term for GOP conservative Tom Colantuono of Londonderry.

District 15: A sixth term for Democrat sounding, GOP Sen. Susan McLane of Concord.

District 16: A seventh term for GOP Sen. Eleanor Podles in a tight test with Democrat Ron Machos in Manchester.

District 17: GOP Jack Barnes of Raymond succeeds GOP Sen. Gordon Humphrey.

District 18: A second term for Democrat Sen. John King of Manchester.

District 19: A second term for GOP Sen. Rick Russman of Kingston.

District 20: Democrat Ann Bourque edges GOP Bob Ouelette to succeed retiring Democrat Sen. Jim St. Jean of Manchester.

District 21: A second term for Democrat Sen. Jeannne Shaheen of Madbury.

District 22: A fourth term for GOP Sen. Joe Delahunty of Salem, odds-on favorite for Senate President.

District 23: A second term for Democrat Sen. Beverly Hollingworth of Hampton in a tough fight with GOP Kathleen Rush.

District 24: Former GOP House Speaker Doug Scamman of Stratham upsets Democrat freshman Sen. Burt Cohen of New Castle.

Although not necessarily our personal preferences, that's the way we think it will go, but you can make your candidate win by voting Tuesday.

Copyright 1992 The New York Times Company
The New York Times

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November 29, 1992, Sunday, Late Edition - Final

SECTION: Section 1; Page 26; Column 1; National Desk

LENGTH: 2009 words

HEADLINE: How the President Lost: a Campaign of Disorganization and Disappointment

BYLINE: By MICHAEL WINES, Special to The New York Times

DATELINE: WASHINGTON, Nov. 28

BODY:
By the time the Republican Party massed in Houston last August for its convention, President Bush's re-election campaign appeared a thoroughly snakebit enterprise. In just eight months it had been jolted by an ugly primary fight, a third-party challenge, two White House staff shake-ups, an urban riot and a seemingly endless economic slump. Bill Clinton led in the polls by 15 points. Yet the President, his political advisers say, was utterly, serenely certain of victory come fall.

It was the advisers who were starting to perspire.

As campaign officials told it in interviews this month, the Bush re-election effort was struggling with bouts of breathtaking incoherence. The convention had been planned largely by party officials outside the control of the campaign. The campaign itself was operating without help from the White House. The White House was so disorganized that simple political directions changed daily, and officials took seven months to hire a speechwriter for the President.

As for Mr. Bush, he was balking, refusing with a stubbornness born of pride and overconfidence to do what a candidate must: retail himself and his policies through the tawdry practice of politics.

Eleven weeks remained until Election Day. Mr. Bush still had $40 million to spend on advertisements, a week-long convention and the debates in which to showcase his candidacy, and he had just persuaded James A. Baker 3d to return and impose order on chaos.

There was still hope. Many Republican strategists believed that Mr. Bush held the upper hand, even in the dark days of August. "This campaign was very winnable until the late stages," said Mitch Daniels, an Indiana political adviser who was brought into the campaign at about that time.

"We didn't need the best strategy, or even the third or fourth best. All we needed was a strategy, period."

But there was no strategy, top campaign officials said, until the very end, when Mr. Bush finally threw himself wholeheartedly into the fray. And the lack of direction during the rest of the campaign manifested itself in every facet of the re-election effort.

Mr. Baker, while he imposed admirable mechanical order to the race, brought it neither purpose nor focus. The Republican convention killed off what should have been one of the campaign's major sales pitches and alienated millions of voters with its right-wing oratory. The Bush advertising effort began in confusion, consumed three-quarters of the $55 million re-election budget, and nearly collapsed twice in disarray.

Amid it all, Mr. Baker and the campaign chairman, Robert M. Teeter, erred, many argue, by attacking Mr. Clinton without explaining to voters clearly why Mr. Bush was a better choice.

The Convention: Dismaying Voters




The Republican convention in August was a political showcase, but not, it turned out, for Mr. Bush.

Conceived in June, when Ross Perot's candidacy was plundering the Republicans' conservative base, the convention was intended to reassure right-wing voters of Mr. Bush's solidarity. It did so superbly. The trouble was that Mr. Perot dropped out of the race a month before the convention and Mr. Bush's problems now lay elsewhere, among suburban moderates and Reagan Democrats who were swarming to Mr. Clinton.

And moderates who heard the firebrand speeches of Mr. Bush's former primary rival, Patrick J. Buchanan, Marilyn Quayle and the television evangelist Pat Robertson fled in droves.

That might have been averted, aides said this month, had convention preparations been housed within Mr. Bush's campaign, as they were in 1988. But convention organizers this time were more independent, working with but not relying on Mr. Teeter's staff for explicit instructions.

The consequences were woefully obvious.

"We were overly preoccupied," said Jim Lake, who ran the campaign's communications operation. "We didn't write Pat Buchanan's speech. We didn't have editing rights over his speech. Very few people read the speech."

In fact, the Bush camp had no censorship rights over any convention speeches, something the political director, Mary Matalin, later called "a very serious mechanical breakdown."

"We were in a deep, deep hole after the convention," Ms. Matalin said. "Even if we'd had a coherent message then, we were spending our entire time denying that the Republican Party was a bunch of homophobic bigots."

The Advertising: Agreeing on Nothing




While party loyalists played at the Astrodome, Mr. Bush's top campaign advisers closeted themselves at the suburban Doubletree Hotel. The talk was of advertising: there was none.

Mr. Teeter had lured Madison Avenue's top talent months ago to a new advertising "agency," dubbed The November Company, whose sole task was to create Mr. Bush's television campaign commercials. Unfortunately, over an entire summer of debate, neither the campaign nor the advertising executives could agree on what the campaign should say.

The agency workers complained that campaign officials seemed unable to describe what they wanted. Instead, proposed commercials and even topics for commercials were dispatched to focus groups -- hand-picked assemblages of ordinary voters like middle-class housewives or blue-collar men -- who registered their approval or distaste by pressing small electronic buttons or talking to group leaders.

The result: advertisements perished by the score before their most powerful elements -- the narrator's voice, music, the pictures -- were ever heard or seen.

"They had the worst sort of client-agency relationship," said one of the members of the Bush advertising team. "Teeter was clearly dissatisfied with the work of The November Company. The November Company was very frustrated that nothing they thought was worth a damn was getting through."

The Strategy: A Message Is Found




Determined to break the creative logjam, the strategists at the Doubletree toiled for nine hours to produce a plan for how best to use their $40 million advertising budget to promote Mr. Bush in the 75 days remaining.

It was disarmingly simple: a three-week introduction to the President's second-term economic agenda; a few weeks to compare that agenda favorably to Mr. Clinton's higher-priced economic proposals, and a concluding barrage emphasizing Mr. Bush's experience and stature and maligning Mr. Clinton by comparison.

"What was killing the President was the impression that he was indifferent or insincere in his commitment to repair the economy," said Mr. Daniels, the Indiana adviser who was assigned to bridge the canyon between the campaign and its advertising team.

At last, a November Company commercial appeared -- a high-tech, upbeat sales pitch for the President's view of the economic future. Mr. Baker's aides repackaged a dog's breakfast of White House trade and fiscal policies into an "agenda for American renewal" that Mr. Bush unveiled to wide praise at the Detroit Economic Club on Sept. 10.

But except for banners at political rallies and boilerplate explanations in his campaign speeches, that was the last anyone saw of the agenda or the strategy from which it sprang.

The Attack: Forced to Retaliate




Ten days after the Detroit speech, Mr. Clinton released his first negative television campaign advertisement, portraying Mr. Bush as unconcerned about the economy and showing footage of him denying that the country was in a recession.

The judgment in the Bush camp, some strategists said, was that the President had run out of time for image-polishing and had to attack in return.

The trouble was that the leaders of the November Company found negative advertisements distasteful. In August, Mr. Baker had allowed Mr. Daniels to form a "B team" of advertising experts who would take on the task. But business summoned Mr. Daniels to Japan, and by late September, when most campaigns have reels of commercials at the ready, "our inventory was pretty slim -- like, nonexistent," said Robert Gardner, a San Francisco advertising executive who was involved with the campaign.

Mr. Baker called Sig Rogich, one of the brains behind the Reagan and Bush advertising campaigns in 1984 and 1988, who had become the American ambassador to Iceland.

Mr. Rogich immediately produced six commercials. He became the architect of the campaign's increasingly negative tone on television. "He took it over," Mr. Gardner said. "He gave it some leadership."

The Debates: Political Soap Opera




As the advertising effort underwent upheaval, a political soap opera was developing over what many saw as Mr. Bush's salvation -- the debates.

Mr. Baker and Mr. Teeter had abandoned conventional political wisdom: that a trailing candidate engages his foe in debate as soon and often as possible. Instead, they jousted with Mr. Clinton over the number and format of the debates, dragging the dispute onto the nation's front pages for most of September before settling on three meetings.

Aides were confounded by the dithering over what they viewed as an opportunity to match a real President with two pretenders in every sense of the word.

Mr. Perot, who had returned to the race on Oct. 1, was regarded as a wild card whose political impact was unpredictable, but the hope was that the debates would expose him as irascible and unworthy of serious support. Mr. Clinton tended to turn pedantic in debates. But the President, it was thought, relished such competitions and was at his relaxed best in town hall-style meetings and news conferences.

As cramming for the match-ups proceeded, however, Mr. Bush seemed disengaged, several aides said, and the image carried to the debates themselves. Except in the final debate, where he performed well, he sat passively as Mr. Clinton wooed the audience or Mr. Perot rattled on.

Mr. Perot's presence rankled Mr. Bush. "He understood why the organizers let Perot in, but he thought it was degrading," an adviser said. "He sure didn't consider Ross Perot his peer."

The Final Sprint: Focusing on Trust




Mr. Teeter had argued from the start that elections are decided in the final weeks, and that agonizing over strategy was is a waste of energy. Now came the test of that theory.

With three weeks left, the President trailed Mr. Clinton in campaign polls by as much as a dozen points. Mr. Bush's solution was to cancel the briefings he was given on the polls.

Armed with a new 20-minute speech, he boarded a train in Atlanta and slugged away at Mr. Clinton with his two best remaining weapons: taxes and trust.

For the first time in the year-long campaign, a seemingly rejuvenated President and his media advisers struck the same gong, relentlessly, for weeks in a row. And something strange happened: the polls showed Mr. Clinton losing popularity, and Mr. Bush gaining it daily, in big leaps of support. On Oct. 29, a campaign survey judged the Bush-Clinton race even, at 39 percent each, with momentum flowing to Mr. Bush.

The Telling Blow: Scandal's Impact

But the the tide reversed the next day. As Mr. Bush gave a speech in St. Louis, the prosecutor in the Iran-contra affair released a document that mentioned Mr. Bush and contradicted the President's statements about his knowledge of the scandal.

Mr. Clinton immediately questioned Mr. Bush's trustworthiness, Mr. Bush cried foul and the episode dominated the evening news. Mr. Clinton then gained five points in the Bush campaign's own polls and widened his lead over the weekend.

If the President felt mortally wounded, he apparently told no one. "He never entertained the possibility that he'd lose. I spent time with him," one aide said. "He never -- never -- said he thought he wouldn't win."

He did come close, once. It was on the morning of the election, as Mr. Bush stood in the Houstonian Hotel bantering with aides about the day's vote. Everyone was politely upbeat. Then there was a lull, and Mr. Bush quietly filled it.

"Well," he said to no one in particular. "Do you think we're all fooling ourselves?"

GRAPHIC: Graph: "Bush's Bumpy Ride to Defeat" shows favorable and unfavorable ratings for President Bush from 1/92 to 10/92 (Source: CBS/New York Times Poll)

LOAD-DATE: November 29, 1992
Copyright 1992 The New York Times Company
The New York Times

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October 30, 1992, Friday, Late Edition - Final

SECTION: Section A; Page 31; Column 6; Editorial Desk

LENGTH: 713 words

HEADLINE: On My Mind;
It's the Economy, Stupid

BYLINE: By A. M. ROSENTHAL

BODY:
Now that the campaign is almost over, the country owes the candidates gratitude for what Americans want so much -- a vacation from the realities of national life.

That might seem a crabby thought -- after all those months when the candidates kept lecturing the country about the economy.

"The economy, stupid," reads the sign in the office of Bill Clinton's campaign strategist. President Bush is boiling down the whole election to two words: trust and taxes. Ross Perot managed to do it in one -- deficit.

The attitude surveys convinced candidates that all that Americans cared about was the economy and how it translated into jobs. Ignore that and lose.

The surveys were probably right. So given the choice of lead, follow or get out of the way, the candidates trotted right behind the polls.

But something strange happened -- all the virtuous talk and position papers on the economy had a smothering, flattening-out effect on American reality and the American memory. It homogenized the very problems that a sturdier economy was supposed to cure. That allowed them to be comfortably diminished in our mind, priorities and conscience.

In April, when Los Angeles was burning, the country, in shock, literally prayed that this time our "leaders" would pay attention and do something, do something.

But look what happened, lamebrain: by summer Los Angeles was getting footnote political attention, barely.

Los Angeles was the result of economic and racial rage. Nonsense -- Los Angeles was the work of lawless hooligans looking for an excuse to riot. No -- Los Angeles was the result of both.

Take your pick. But one thing is sure -- everything that made for the Los Angeles riot still exists in cities around the country.

The mesmerized focus on broad-issue economics blunted the needle of national awareness that emergency social and law-enforcement action was imperative. That is dangerous.

Incidentally, whatever happened to the matter of racial tensions? Democrats are pushing race relations into the background because they do not want Jesse Jackson in the foreground. Republicans don't see political capital in talking about it at all. Mr. Perot is still recovering from the discovery that "you people" is not the way African-Americans prefer to be addressed.

Drugs, crime, a paralyzed justice system: candidates do put out some position papers. They don't get much attention, because they do not convey the horror.

Did anything from the candidates show they understood what "urban affairs" now means? What it is like to live in a neighborhood controlled by drug mobs and know they kill at whim or at random? Or where parents take their kids out of school to try to keep them from being shot down in the streets outside?

And which candidate or which position paper dealt with men and women with broken minds living, wandering and defecating in the streets?

The political professionals pound it into our heads that the rest of the world matters zero in this campaign -- no clout in surveys at all. Still, it is hard to believe that Americans really don't care whether the next Presidency would try to prevent Bosnians from being murdered or Somali children from walking about with swollen bellies, just because Bosnians and Somalis don't create jobs, except for foreign grave diggers.

Unpleasantly specific truths are not ignored -- just smoothed down, made less scary, by over-generalized economy talk. We are told repeatedly that unemployment is about 7.5 percent -- but rarely that it is at least triple that for teen-agers in ghettos.

The candidates explain that strengthening the whole economy will help us find money to deal with drugs, crime, violence, maybe even a few Bosnians and Somalis.

That's nice. But the candidates should explain something else. How do other democracies manage to have cleaner streets, safer neighborhoods and safer banks, less drugs, no guns, better medical insurance, fewer wreckages of tenements and people, without waiting until the complete grand, overall, very macro, big-picture economic problem is settled, by some unspecified superstrategy?

Maybe Presidential candidates will find out. Maybe they will think city, town and neighborhood economics, as well as national.

When? In 1996, stupid.

LOAD-DATE: October 30, 1992
Copyright 1992 Globe Newspaper Company
The Boston Globe

November 13, 1992, Friday, City Edition

SECTION: NATIONAL/FOREIGN; Pg. 1

LENGTH: 1821 words

HEADLINE: Clinton lists steps on economy, may modify some plans;
THE TRANSITION Peter Gosselin of the Globe staff contributed from Washington to this report.

BYLINE: By Michael Kranish, Globe Staff

DATELINE: LITTLE ROCK, Ark.

BODY:
President-elect Bill Clinton vowed yesterday to act quickly on a series of taxation and job-creation proposals and to overturn limitations on abortion counseling, but he signaled publicly for the first time that some of his costliest measures may have to be modified or delayed as he "sets priorities" for his new administration.

Clinton said his initial legislative package would include a tax credit for business investments, which he said would create 500,000 new jobs, and at least a $ 20 billion increase in spending on roads, bridges and other infrastructure. He left open the question of whether he would include his middle-income tax cut in the package, saying only that he had not backed away from anything in his campaign platform.

In his first news conference since the election, Clinton spoke in calm and measured tones as he portrayed himself as in no hurry to make transition decisions. He said he had not decided whom to name to any of the Cabinet posts. Clinton nonetheless made his firmest commitment yet to appoint Republicans and people who represent a cross-section of the country to top positions.

He did name 48 people, including a host of top campaign aides, to positions on his two-month transition team. The appointees included Professor Robert Reich of Harvard University as director of economy policy and the Democratic Leadership Council head, Al From, a centrist who helped write the blueprint for Clinton's presidential campaign, as the head of domestic policy.

Clinton, who will become the nation's 42d president, repeated that his first actions upon taking office would be to sign an executive order overturning the "gag rule" that restricts federally funded clinics from dispensing information about abortion and an order allowing Haitian refugees to remain in the United States until they get a hearing.

The president-elect repeated his oft-stated position that he would seek to repeal the ban on gays in the military, but he did not directly answer a question about the timetable. He said he would ask a group of advisers to give him a proposal, which he would consider at an unspecified date.

Clinton signaled that his first legislative priority will be to put as many of his programs as possible into a few massive bills, thus avoiding many votes on a series of separate bills. He said he was following the strategy of an unlikely role model, former President Reagan, who managed to get Congress to approve many of his tax cuts and higher defense appropriations in a few large bills.

But the Arkansas governor tied each pledge of decisive action yesterday to a qualifier, and appeared intent in his remarks on dampening expectations of speedy economic improvement that may have been built up by his campaign.

"I think the American people understand that these problems are of long duration and there won't be any overnight miracles," he said. "But I think they expect aggressive and prompt action and I'm going to give it to them."

Clinton said he would put forward a "shorter-term economic agenda" and then develop a long-term plan. He added, "I expect to keep the focus on these economic issues. And I'm not trying to scale back or scale down, or anything else."

At one point in the news conference, Clinton said he would have to "set priorities and to proceed with discipline," a phrase that is bound to spur speculation that he may delay some of his costliest campaign promises. He admitted that he may have to "modify" some proposals.

As for the question of how he might pay for new programs while reducing the deficit, Clinton said he is still convinced that he should reduce the deficit "gradually" while pushing major spending programs and tax cuts. Some economists have argued that a major deficit reduction package is needed immediately.

"We'll test it," Clinton said. "We'll see if I'm right. That's what the election was all about."

To spur growth, Clinton said during the campaign that he would boost public works spending by $ 20 billion a year to create jobs and improve the economy. Clinton did not respond to a question yesterday about whether he would increase the public works program to $ 50 billion, as some advisers have suggested.

Clinton also plans to cut defense spending by $ 60 billion, so some economists believe the president-elect's action would amount to shifting spending from defense to transportation, with little or no net increase in jobs.

Alan Blinder, a Princeton University economist and campaign adviser, was asked whether Clinton's public works and business tax breaks would provide the economy with a quick lift. He said, "You'd get some. It won't be much, but it would probably be some."

In addition, Clinton said that he would seek quick congressional approval for an investment tax credit, a business tax break that he said would create an extra 500,000 jobs next year.

The credit would encourage companies to spend more on job-creating plant and equipment purchases by allowing them to cut their tax bills by 10 percent of the amount spent above a yet-to-be-decided baseline like their average spending in the past, according to Blinder.

With Vice President-elect Al Gore standing silently at his side throughout the news conference, Clinton sounded wistful at times about preparing to leave Little Rock. He spoke about how he was standing in his "favorite building," the white, colonnaded Old Statehouse, where he announced his candidacy 13 months ago and celebrated his victory nine days ago.

He spoke of how he loved being able to jog on the city streets and speak with "my constituents." And he spoke about his reluctance to enter "the bubble," the security net that surrounds a president and that dictates his every movement.

"You know, I'm an informal person," Clinton said. "I live in an atmosphere that is highly personal and informal where I know my friends and neighbors and my constituents can come up to me and talk to me on the street. I would hope that both Senator Gore and I would be able to maintain some greater level of ongoing personal contact with folks than is typically the case."

But asked if he was feeling overwhelmed by the responsibility of becoming president, Clinton said, "I'm having a wonderful time. I mean, it is an enormous responsibility, but I asked for it, and it's an indulgence to feel overwhelmed by it."

Keeping in check the fiery rhetoric that marked his campaign, Clinton spent more time praising Republicans than Democrats. At one point, Clinton praised President Bush's handling of foreign affairs, in contrast to the way Clinton the candidate harshly criticized Bush's dealings with Iraq before the Gulf War and his response to the warfare in partitioned Yugoslavia.

Clinton was also asked about the propriety of having Vernon Jordan as the chairman of his transition team while Jordan is making $ 50,000 a year as a director of a major tobacco company, RJR Nabisco.

After noting that Jordan is receiving no pay for his transition position, Clinton said Jordan would not be involved in corporate affairs during his two-month tenure and said Jordan would not have undue influence on Clinton's views about the tobacco industry.

"Those of you who are familiar with my record and my wife's public statements here at home would have little to be concerned about us being too close to the tobacco lobby," Clinton said.

He added: "Vernon Jordan is not going to pick these major people who serve in the health care positions. I am."

Clinton is scheduled to release his ethics guidelines today for members of his transition team.


GRAPHIC: PHOTO, Robert Reich faces reporters at Harvard after being named to the Clinton transition staff. / GLOBE STAFF PHOTO / JOHN TLUMACKI (Photo, page 1)

LOAD-DATE: November 14, 1992
Copyright 1992 The Christian Science Publishing Society
Christian Science Monitor (Boston, MA)

July 31, 1992, Friday

SECTION: OPINION; Pg. 18

LENGTH: 859 words

HEADLINE: Retooling Budgets, Taxes

BYLINE: Hazel Henderson; Hazel Henderson's latest book is "Paradigms in Progress." She is based in St. Augustine, Fla.

HIGHLIGHT:
Current federal processes and codes should give way to such innovations as an employment tax credit and 'green taxes'

BODY:
THE November election will likely swing on how to invigorate the ailing United States economy. Both the Clinton-Gore and the Bush-Quayle campaign platforms are faced with a rapidly changing, post-cold-war world and a US economy that no longer fits the old policy maps. The crying need of both campaigns is to reconceptualize the economy and rethink the federal budget and tax code.

As new maps are drawn, surprising new directions can emerge: for example, cutting income taxes and replacing them with more taxes on pollution (so-called "green taxes"), more user fees, corporate taxes and tariffs, and a restructured budget.

This approach may refocus the question: Where is all the money coming from to reinvest in our people, infrastructure, and global competitiveness - while creating more jobs and addressing a pressing backlog of social and environmental problems?

The Clinton-Gore answer is familiar: Raise taxes on the richest, close loopholes, increase some user fees, and emphasize investment over consumption in fiscal policy.

Mr. Bush still believes, despite mounting unemployment and the lowest interest rates since the Kennedy era, that "recovery is on its way." His classical "trickle-down" economics holds that jobs are best created by making investment more attractive to those who can invest (through better capital gains treatment, for example).

Both platforms, so far, embrace incrementalism. They call for more investment tax credits - in spite of a decade of evidence that such credits do little or nothing to increase investments or jobs.

Only an employment tax credit for each newly created domestic US job can rebalance the tax code. Clearly, employers and employees should be taxed no higher than investments in machinery and physical plant.

At present, our tax code overrewards the displacement of employees by machines. Such tax arrangements helped lead to the "part-timing" of the US work force, 30 percent of which are "contingency workers." The resulting over-automation of the US economy yielded little in overall productivity gains but inevitably increased structural unemployment.

Both parties rightly plan to reduce the military budget and cut waste. But according to a forthcoming survey on federal budget options by the Americans Talk Issues Foundation, prepared for the Congressional Institute for the Future, most Americans would cut military spending by $ 47 billion - more than either party has suggested.

On the issue of waste, a good start would be elimination of some of the $ 200 billion annually that Consumer Reports (July 1992) says is wasted in our mismanaged health-care system. That system now gobbles over 12 percent of gross national product and delivers no better results than systems in Japan, Canada, and other countries that spend one-third to one-half as much.

So the missing funds for revamping the US economy are available, but hidden from popular debate by unexamined assumptions in the tax code and the budget.

Let's look at tax codes first. Taxes, as common sense dictates and most economists agree, should, where possible, discourage unhealthy behavior, such as drinking alcohol and smoking. They should reward healthy activities like working hard, employing people, and investing in socially desirable, productive, innovative enterprises that don't create health or pollution problems.

Enter green taxes, which help keep enterprises and individuals from causing such problems. Unsound environmental behavior (like wasting energy) and corporate products and practices which result in pollution would be taxed. Economists generally favor such taxes - which correct the prices of products to reflect their true costs - over heavy-handed environmental regulation.

Green taxes include the deposits on beverage containers in 10 US states and Maryland's "feebate" tax, which adds a $ 100 surcharge to new gas-guzzling cars that get less than 27 miles per gallon (m.p.g.) and rebates $ 50 to fuel-efficient cars for every mile they get above 34 m.p.g.

Other such taxes include the "black lung tax" levied on coal producers to fund medical care for stricken employees and carbon taxes on fossil-fuel use.

Studies in Europe suggest that the revenues from green taxes potentially are large enough to remove much of the need for income and employment taxes - thus encouraging people to work harder and employers to create new jobs. This, in turn, would offset the higher prices for polluting products which companies would, at first, try to pass on to consumers. Later, those companies might opt for innovation and cleaner products.

The four main areas of green taxes are: (1) polluting emissions; (2) waste, such as over-packaging; (3) planned obsolescence, e.g., throw-away items; and, (4) depletion of virgin resources, such as oil or coal.

While both parties fiddle at the margins of change, the American people are pointing in new directions. They want specifics rather than symbolic constitutional amendments to balance the budget.

When asked in the American Talk Issues survey if they would like a similar survey with their income tax forms, 80 percent said "yes."



LOAD-DATE: July 31, 1992, Friday
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. A1

LENGTH: 651 words

HEADLINE: LOCAL CLINTON SUPPORT SLIPS TO PEROT, CREATING A TIGHT RACE BUSH, CLINTON CLOSE IN POLL.<

BYLINE: Dan McGuire and Jon Craig Staff Writers

BODY:
Independent presidential candidate Ross Perot has lured local voters away from Bill Clinton, leaving the Democrat tied with President Bush here as the campaign heads into its final days.

Herald American interviews with 449 registered voters last week found Bush making no headway but benefiting as Clinton loses support. The poll shows Clinton with 34 percent, Bush with 33 percent and Perot with 17 percent. The margin of error is 4.6 percent.

Two weeks ago, the num bers were Clinton 43 percent, Bush 31 percent, Perot 7 percent.

"It's still nine days to go. It's going to be tight," said

Bush's New York state campaign chairman, H. Douglas Barclay of Pulaski. "Nobody can tell what is going to happen with Perot. It is a wild card."

The poll showed little movement among undecided voters, who remained at 17 percent, up 1 percent.

Nearly half the Republicans who were leaning toward Clinton two weeks ago now say they're for Perot. The Texas billionaire made strong gains among all those who said they voted for Bush four years ago.

That kind of movement encouraged Bush's strategists, who are banking on a big turnaround in the final days. They hope the president will be the ultimate choice of those who have drifted from Clinton's camp but decide that Perot can't win.

"When that person gets into the voting booth, I think that person will say he's better off with the president," Barclay said.

Syracuse Mayor Thomas Young, a Clinton supporter, disagreed.

"Those who do go out and vote are going to have to answer an important question: Am I going to throw my vote away or vote for someone who is going to win, someone who is going to change the country in the right direction?" Young said. "The bad news for President Bush is he's going nowhere - in a stronghold. If a Republican can't carry this neck of the woods by 10 points in a presidential election year, the show's over. I still think Clinton will win the region and do well in the city."

Charles Taylor, Perot's regional campaign coordinator, wasn't surprised by Perot's gains.

"Probably the biggest turning point was the debates," Taylor said.

Forty-three percent of voters said the debates influenced their choice. That number was 10 points higher among the group that showed the greatest movement toward Perot, people who voted for Bush in 1988.

The latest national polls show Clinton maintaining a commanding lead over Bush, with Perot surging to his strongest third-place showing since he re-entered the race.

In the latest New York Times/CBS News Poll, conducted Tuesday through Friday, Clinton had the support of 40 percent, Bush of 35 percent and Perot of 15 percent.

The Times/CBS poll, based on interviews with 1,854 adults nationwide, has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points, which means that statistically it is in the range of the other polls.

A poll taken for NBC News and the Wall Street Journal had Clinton at 47 percent, Bush at 28 percent and Perot at 19 percent. A U.S. News & World Report poll taken after the last presidential debate showed Clinton with 45 percent, Bush with 31 percent and Perot with 20 percent.

Perot hopes to capitalize with a new advertising blitz countering arguments that a vote for him is a wasted vote.

"You are throwing your vote away unless you vote your conscience," Perot says in a 30-minute commercial aired for the first time Friday. "Don't waste your vote on traditional politicians who promise you everything to get elected but never deliver."

Perot's momentum, particularly in several Western states, is drawing the attention of a front-running Clinton campaign wary of any development that confuses its strategy for the final 13 days.

"It's a problem," said Clinton communications director George Stephanopoulos. "Obviously, the higher he goes, the more he takes from us."

- The Associated Press contributed to this report

GRAPHIC: Herald American Opinion Poll. Herald American. Color.; (Note: For text of graphic se microfilm.

LOAD-DATE: February 12, 2003

There are two questions that needs to be answered. There are a total of 6 pages and for each question.
1. Discuss America's place in the world just before and then a change after WWII. Explain how and why America got into WWII?What shaped American foreign policy after that and what were the effects of the Truman Doctrine on the beginnings of the Cold War in the late 1940's. How did a policy of containment work at home and abroad? What did former CIA agent John Stockwell mean by "third world war" when addressing U.S. foreign affairs after WWII? What evidence supports such a claim? What conflicts/wars resulted and what was their outcome? Was this policy successful? Why and/or why not? What patterns of mistakes were repeated tracing from Vietnam to Iraq? Do these undermine or further American Hegemony? Explain. Are these wars of the past ongoing under a new title, "the war on terrorism?" Support all statements and be specific. (3 pages)
2. The Great Depression was a worldwide development. Discuss the causes of it in the U.S. and then FDR's answer in 1933. What was the New Deal and what were its numerous programs and provisions? Include elements of relief, recovery, and reform. What was its purpose-progressive or pragmatic- was it radical or a reaction and did it end the depression for America? Did it have historical precedent and did it spawn any future movements? Be specific. (3 pages)

How does Mertus explain ethnic conflict in Kosovo/a? Identify the bones of contention in ethnic conflict. What is the KLA? Discuss why its role was significant in Kosovo/a during the 1990s.

o Assigned Readings: Mertus, Slobodan Milosevic: myth and responsibility. open Democracy, 16 March 2006, http://www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-yugoslavia/responsibility_3361.jsp (Blackboard 9); Esman, An Introduction to Ethnic Conflict, Cambridge: Polity Press Ltd., 2004, pp. 70-92.
o Foreign Affairs LEARNING COMMUNITY ONLINE: Chris Hedges, Kosovos Next Masters, Foreign Affairs May-June 1999 78 (3): 1-7 online, http://www.foreign affairs.com/articles/55007/chris- hedges/kosovos-next-masters
Carnegie Council Transcripts, Julie Mertus, Considering Elections in Kosovo: Lessons Learned from Bosnia, October 16, 2001, http://www.cceia.org/resources/ transcripts/194.html


History is War by Other Means

o The classical Serbian view holds that the people who lived in Kosovo were overwhelmingly Serb until barely a few generations back. If this were true, then the modern Serbian claim to the land would be that much stronger

o Albanian historians have always claimed the right of first possession arguing that their ancestors, the ancient Illyrians and Dardanians, lived here long before the Slav invasions of the sixth and seventh centuries

o the truth is unclear and is not what matters ??" it is what people believe it to be ??" what people believe can be put to everyday use

o under the dynasty of the Nemanjic monarchs a first identifiably Serbian kingdom began to be fashioned

o in the history of Kosovo and Serbia, Sava must rank as one of its towering and most influential figures ??" until 1219, the Serbs or rather the people who were on their way to developing a national consciousness as Serbs, teetered on the brink between western Roman Catholicism and Byzantine, eastern Orthodoxy

o in 1219 Sava obtained autocephalous status for what was then to become the Serbian national church ??" autocephaly means within the Orthodox church

o until 1355, Nemanjic power was supported by two pillars, that is to say, the state and the church ??" when, however, the Serbian nobility was swept away by the Ottoman invasions, the church remained ??" in this way, the idea that Serbia would be resurrected ??" like Christ ??" was one that was nurtured by the very existence of the church ??" as most of the Nemanjic monarchs were canonized, their images were painted on to the walls of Serbian churches and monasteries ??" for hundreds of years, the Serbian peasant went to church and in his mind the very idea of Christianity, resurrection and Serbdom blended together

o historical interpretations ??" who actually lived in Kosovo at the time of the Serbian kings? ??" 28 June 1389, Battle of Kosovo, legend / myth that spread through the generations about the conflict infused the fervor of nineteenth century Serbian nationalism, which aimed to liberate Kosovo from the yoke of the Turks

o in medieval Kosovo, the majority of people who lived there were mainly Orthodox, and thus, ancestors, in the main, of modern Serbs ??" over the centuries a higher proportion of Albanians was to convert to Islam than Serbs ??" one of the main reasons for this was that the Albanians did not have a powerful national church like the Serbs, nor was the power of Catholicism as strong amongst them as it was in, say, modern Croatia

o there were long periods of peace in Ottoman Kosovo as well as long years of war and depredation ??" during the 18th and 19th centuries the vast majority of the people who lived in Kosovo were peasants ??" politically, the Serbs counted for little, but the case of the Muslim Albanians was different ??" because it was Muslim, the Albanian aristocracy was the power in the land, and in constant struggle with the Sultan and the Turks

o the Albanians had ambivalent feelings towards the Turks and the empire ??" on the one hand, they professed their loyalty and love of the Sultan ??" on the other, they wished to be left alone to run their own affairs as they saw fit ??" as the empire became increasingly sclerotic, the Albanians, as they began to contemplate their long-term future, became increasingly nervous

o as the Christian states of the region, Serbia, Montenegro and Greece slowly began to emerge as powers in their own right, all claimed land inhabited by Albanians ??" the empire was some form of guarantee that Albanians, if they could achieve autonomy within it, would thus be able to assure their continuing dominance in the lands where they lived and avoid being partitioned by the Christian states

o the Albanians were right to fear for their future ??" from 1804, as Serbia began to emerge, first as a rebel province and then as an autonomous principality within the empire, Muslims, including Albanians who lived there, soon found themselves prevailed upon to emigrate or flee

o Albanians in areas of what is now southern Serbia experienced the burning of villages ??" most of these people fled to Kosovo, which was to remain Ottoman until 1912 ??" as recent Balkan wars underlined to a new generation, the influx of embittered refugees from one community always bodes ill for the innocent civilians of the other ??" in increasing numbers Serbs began to leave

o the Serbian-Turkish wars of 1876-78 caused the most massive migration process in the Balkans in the course of the 19th century ??" by one estimation, a million Christians and a million Muslims ??" including Albanians from those lands reconquered by the Serbs ??" fled their homes

o while it seemed clear that much of the southern and western parts of Kosovo were thoroughly Albanian, it was noted that the other parts had compact Serbian populations, especially in the east and from Mitrovica to the then Serbian border ??" there were those who wondered if the area should not eventually be partitioned, an idea that was to resurface among Serbian intellectuals such as the novelist and briefly Yugoslav president, Dobrica Cosic, in the 1990s and again after NATOs intervention in 1999

o N.B. much of the Kosovo conflict can be related to the fact that many Serbs have never been willing or able to rid themselves of the idea that the Albanians, with whom they shared a state for the best part of a century were not to be treated as equals ??" rather they thought of them as a people who could be patronized or dismissed as belligerent peasants who, instead of complaining, should have been grateful to be living in Yugoslavia

o during World War II while many Albanians collaborated willingly with the Italians and the Germans, they did so not out of love of the Axis, but out of hate for the Serbs ??" Titos Partisans who first raised the standard of rebellion in Serbia in July 1941 found it hard to recruit in Kosovo




o N.B. right up to the end of the war, the Partisans were never able to recruit significant numbers of Kosovo Albanians to join them ??" those who did come to the colors in 1944 did so confident in the belief that they were fighting not just for Communism but for an Albania in which Kosovo would be included ??" they were to be betrayed

o in July 1945 Kosovo was formally annexed to Serbia ??" Kosovo was then declared to be an autonomous region of Serbia which in turn became a constituent part of the new Federal Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia

o after so much turmoil, ordinary Kosovars were more confused about the future than anything else ??" it was also not at all clear to them what the politicians were up to since any debates were not conducted in public

o N.B. in 1946, Tito told Enver Hoxha, the Albanian Communist leader: Kosovo and the other Albanian regions belong to Albania and we shall return them to you, but not now because the Great Serb reaction would not accept such a thing.

o at this time the Albanian Communists, in Albania and Kosovo, were very much under Yugoslav tutelage ??" however, this is not the only reason why they did not oppose the re-annexation of Kosovo ??" the other reason wa at this time, until Yugoslavias break with Stalin in 1948, there was much talk of an all-embracing Balkan Federation, in which case, the issue of Kosovo might be resolved within that wider framework

o there were those who argued that this was not possible and that the moment had arrived in a planned way to unmercifully cleanthose territories which we wish to settle with our own national elements ??" the interests of the state require that lands deserted by minorities be settled as soon as possible in order that they and the entire Europe be brought before a fait accompli ??" this argument was that we might never again have such an opportunity in order that we may make our state ethnically purethe minority problem, if we do not solve it now, will never be solved

Kosovo - Republic

in the postwar years, the peoples of Yugoslavia were classed as either nations or nationalities ??" the former were entitled to Yugoslav republics ??" they were the Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Montenegrins and Macedonians ??" in 1971, they were joined by the Bosnian Muslims





N.B. by contrast, nationalities were peoples who were, in effect, cut off from the existing motherland ??" the most important of the nationalities were the Kosovo Albanians and the Hungarians who lived in Vojvodina in the north, both of whose people had existing states ??" the real point was that nations ??" who had republics ??" were, under the constitution, theoretically possessed of the right to secede ??" under no circumstances could the Kosovo Albanians ever be allowed to become a republic lest one day they should actually try to exercise that right

in 1974 Kosovo became a Yugoslav republic in all but name ??" it was represented on the federal presidency, along with its northern counterpart, Vojvodina, and the six republics ??" power was by now very much in the hands of the local Albanian Communists ??" Kosovo had its own assembly, police force, national bank and all the other accoutrements of republican status ??" these were years of rising expectations and many Kosovo Albanians wanted more

Tito died in 1980 ??" Yugoslav politics deprived of its final arbiter, and, slowly but surely, the system began to unravel ??" in Kosovo, the first signs of this came in March and April 1981, when the province was rocked by demonstrations

people in Kosovo wanted to be free from Serbian domination ??" the feeling was that, despite autonomy, key positions were still held by Serbs and pro-Serb Albanians

N.B. example of Solidarity movement in Poland at the time gave the Kosovo Albanians hope ??" the opposition had an anti-Communist and social aspect in Poland ??" in contrast, in Kosovo the opposition had a national character ??" instead of being anti-Communist, the Kosovo movement was anti-colonialist and nationalist

Literature Reference: Julie Mertus. Kosovo How Myths and Truths Started a War. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

once we see ourselves as victims, we can clearly identify an enemy ??" steeped in our own victimhood, we no longer feel bound by moral considerations in becoming perpetrators

facts are rarely the driving force behind human behavior ??" in terms of their bearing on ordinary human lives, experience and myth are far more persuasive and influential than factual truth ??" with respect to Kosovo, Serbian officials are to blame for years of gross human rights abuses against Albanians, but in order to understand why these abuses continue and to predict future patterns of behavior, we must look beyond the facts of abuse and to other ways of knowing the past ??" we need to examine lived experience and evolving myth


we must hear Truths, see them, touch them, but not insist upon their immediate transformation ??" only time can change the perception of experience and shape the telling of myths ??" outsiders who demand an immediate retelling are perceived as illegitimate; any reshaping must come from within

each society has its regime of Truth, as Hannah Arendt has noted ??" society determines the types of discourse that its values and makes function as true, and society determines as well the techniques and procedures accorded value in the acquisition of truth

the telling of Truths may narrow the gap between Truths, creating a common bridge toward something else ??" yet sometimes the divisions between peoples are too great, the fear too intense, the desire of some to maintain or gain power too overwhelming ??" the mere telling is not enough to stem conflict ??" thus we cannot stop after the telling ??" we must have the will to think of bold, even drastic interventions to change the status quo into a more peaceful something else

Kosovo exemplifies a society in which the identities of two competing groups (there known as nations) have long been tied to Truths about the other ??" nonetheless the war in Kosovo cannot be attributed to ancient hatreds ??" rather the conflict is the result of recent hatreds fueled by recent propaganda campaigns ??" the case of Kosovo illustrates what happens when political leaders exploit the most demeaning truths about the other to create intense feelings of insecurity and victimization

Mertus analysis suggests the conditions which foster a politics rooted in antagonistic Truths: a culture of victimization and a history of real and imagined domination of one group over another, long-term human political and social oppression of a disfavored ethno-national group, structural poverty, unmet human development needs, media manipulation of misunderstandings among the general populace, and the absence of civil and political institutions which allow for divergent opinions ??" these are the conditions we must address if we are to encourage the creation of peaceful and just societies wherein history as established fact is accepted as legitimate and experience and myth no longer drive a wedge between oppositional groups ??" these are the stories we must hear if we are to foster institutions and processes that promote peace and justice for all

popular accounts of Kosovo are marked by three lines of rhetoric that obfuscate what is really happening ??" first, the rhetoric of complexity: it is simply impossible to find out what is happening in the Balkans.Albanians live in so many different places and their names are so hard to pronounce second, the rhetoric of denial: nothing ever changes in Kosovo; the situation never really worsens ??" third, the rhetoric of Balkan primordialism ??" these people keep killing each other and there is nothing anyone can do ??" Serbs and Albanians just hate each other

the Kosovo crisis is not difficult to understand as long as one keeps in mind that people are behind guns and politicians depend on people ??" both sides now feel like victims; both sides now feel entitled to take some liberty in taking back what is rightfully theirs ??" politicians manipulate public aspirations and fears in order to suit their own need to stay in power ??" these fears are grounded not only on factual events but also on events as remembered, refashioned and retold

the resurrection of Balkan power plays and the manipulation of a dark form of nationalism began at least twenty years ago in Kosovo, before the fall of the Berlin Wall, before the first shot in Slovenia, the first raid into Vukovar, the first shelling of Sarajevo

the events in Kosovo in 1981-90 comprise a major chapter in the final years of Yugoslavia ??" developments in Kosovo during these years led to a fundamental realignment of politics in Serbia and the growth of dangerous, defensive, populist and officially sanctioned nationalism. ??" an anti-democratic coalition within Serbia of nationalists and communists manipulated the myth of Kosovo to formulate nationalist ideology and produce propaganda ??" Serbs were said to be the victims of Albanians in Kosovo; they needed the protection of a strong leader like Milosevic ??" populist gatherings ??" meetings of truth on Kosovo became the main vehicle through which Milosevic spread hismessage

the seeds of war sown in Kosovo were rooted in the political aims of the powerful ??" from 1989 onwards Serbian leaders orchestrated a low-intensity state of siege in Kosovo, using police and paramilitary harassment and other human rights violations to cripple Albanian aspirations ??" with state-controlled media supporting his repressive tactics in Kosovo, Milosevic did not need an all out war in Kosovo to garner popular support and maintain power ??" wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina suited that task just fine ??" but as soon as the Dayton Peace Accord ended the fighting in Bosnia, Milosevic turned his full attention to Kosovo ??" the emergence of militant Albanian groups in Kosovo further intensified Serbian feelings of victimization ??" these feelings served to erase any ethical responsibility to back peaceful resolution of the conflict ??" Serbians were well prepared for the inevitability of more war

the people of the region patterned their behavior around what they believed to be true, based not on what some outside expert writes but on their own personal experiences and on the myths perpetuated by the local media and other popular storytellers ??" for those who are interested in understanding and predicting behavior, what matters is not what is factually true but what people believe to be Truth

Serbs and Albanians structure their lives around Truths that are closely linked to their identity but that may have nothing (or everything) to do with factual truth or lies ??" the opposite of Truth is not necessarily a lie; rather it is a competing Truth linked to an alternative self-image

??" the problem, I realized, is that local political leaders were manipulating particularly malignant strains of national Truths, aided by inaccurate and distorted media reports and deteriorating economic and social conditions ??" understanding this process entails talking to local people about what they believe to be true and reading the local media, not The New York Times, Le Monde or The Guardian

Kosovo is integral to both groups competing national identities: the national awakening of Albanians occurred at the League of Prizren in 1878, but Kosovo also contains places of significance to modern Serbian national identity, including the site of the patriarchate of the Serbian Orthodox Church, established in 1346 in Pec ??" as Sabrina Ramet has pointed out, the Kosovo debate is much like the Palestinian issue: Two ethnic communities with distinct languages and religious traditions lay claim to the same territory with competing historical arguments as evidence

the willingness of most Serbs to sacrifice themselves for Kosovo is less widespread than their (self-proclaimed) leaders admit ??" this explains why Milosevic and other Serbian leaders have to supplement national animus with an organized campaign of hysterical propaganda, employing journalists and intellectuals to shape Truths for popular consumption

Outsiders may be useful in helping to create institutions and mechanisms for the nonviolent resolution of future conflicts in the Balkans and elsewhere, but in order to be effective they must begin to understand Truths that can start wars ??" Kosovo illustrates well the important role played by history as experience and myth in shaping human behavior ??" the main propellant behind war in Kosovo was not ancient history and ancient hatreds, but recent hatreds manipulated by a carefully orchestrated, fear-mongering media campaign ??" these stories became the Truths for Kosovo Serbs and Albanians, serving to guide their behavior as perpetrators and victims

after 1981 there were frequent expressions of hostility towards Serbs who were leaving Kosovo steadily after that point ??" some Serbian churches and graveyards were vandalized and many Serbs did feel a pressure to leave

Serb emigration and the high Albanian birth rate led to census figures that indicated the Albanian segment of the population was about 82.2 percent in the 1980s and early 1990s ??" it reached about 90 per cent as the new millennium approached

in 1984 work began on a Memorandum by prominent academics in the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts ??" articulated a widely held belief on the part of the Serbs that the policy of a weak Serbia ensures a strong Yugoslavia was provoking a backlash among the Serbs

the Memorandum asserted that Serbs were being subjected to nothing less than genocide ??" in the face of this situation, Serbia must not be passive and wait and see what the others will say, as it has done so often in the past ??" rise of Milosevic who devoted himself to the renewal of the Serbian state and fought for the salvation of the Serbian people from new slavery and annihilation ??" it was the dynamics of the political conflict in Kosovo, which resulted in war, first briefly in Slovenia, then in Croatia and then in Bosnia-Hercegovina
Genocide ??" International Legal Definition (http://www.preventgenocide.org/genocide/ officialtext.htm)
The international legal definition of the crime of genocide is found in Articles II and III of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide.
Article II describes two elements of the crime of genocide:
1) the mental element, meaning the "intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such", and
2) the physical element which includes five acts described in sections a, b, c, d and e. A crime must include both elements to be called "genocide."
Article III described five punishable forms of the crime of genocide: genocide; conspiracy, incitement, attempt and complicity.

Excerpt from the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide
"Article II: In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Article III: The following acts shall be punishable:
(a) Genocide;
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
(d) Attempt to commit genocide;
(e) Complicity in genocide. "

It is a crime to plan or incite genocide, even before killing starts, and to aid or abet genocide: Criminal acts include conspiracy, direct and public incitement, attempts to commit genocide, and complicity in genocide.
Punishable Acts The following are genocidal acts when committed as part of a policy to destroy a groups existence:
Killing members of the group includes direct killing and actions causing death.
Causing serious bodily or mental harm includes inflicting trauma on members of the group through widespread torture, rape, sexual violence, forced or coerced use of drugs, and mutilation.
Deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to destroy a group includes the deliberate deprivation of resources needed for the groups physical survival, such as clean water, food, clothing, shelter or medical services. Deprivation of the means to sustain life can be imposed through confiscation of harvests, blockade of foodstuffs, detention in camps, forcible relocation or expulsion into deserts.

Prevention of births includes involuntary sterilization, forced abortion, prohibition of marriage, and long-term separation of men and women intended to prevent procreation.
Forcible transfer of children may be imposed by direct force or by fear of violence, duress, detention, psychological oppression or other methods of coercion. The Convention on the Rights of the Child defines children as persons under the age of 18 years.
Genocidal acts need not kill or cause the death of members of a group. Causing serious bodily or mentalharm, prevention of births and transfer of children are acts of genocide when committed as part of a policy to destroy a groups existence.
The law protects four groups - national, ethnical, racial or religious groups.
A national group means a set of individuals whose identity is defined by a common country of nationality or national origin.
An ethnical group is a set of individuals whose identity is defined by common cultural traditions, language or heritage.
A racial group means a set of individuals whose identity is defined by physical characteristics.
A religious group is a set of individuals whose identity is defined by common religious creeds, beliefs, doctrines, practices, or rituals.
Key Terms
The crime of genocide has two elements: intent and action. Intentional means purposeful. Intent can be proven directly from statements or orders. But more often, it must be inferred from a systematic pattern of coordinated acts.
Intent is different from motive. Whatever may be the motive for the crime (land expropriation, national security, territorrial integrity, etc.), if the perpetrators commit acts intended to destroy a group, even part of a group, it is genocide.
The phrase "in whole or in part" is important. Perpetrators need not intend to destroy the entire group. Destruction of only part of a group (such as its educated members, or members living in one region) is also genocide. Most authorities require intent to destroy a substantial number of group members ??" mass murder. But an individual criminal may be guilty of genocide even if he kills only one person, so long as he knew he was participating in a larger plan to destroy the group.
The Rise of the Kosovo Liberation Army ??" Independence from Serbia or Else
as the Albanians became progressively radicalized, their new voice emerged in the KLA. Rugova, the old pacifist, became more a symbol of outmoded moderation than a leader. By ignoring the plight of Kosovar Albanians, the West lost much of its credibility before NATO began its bombing campaign during spring 1999. Many Albanians felt let down by the world and their own meek leaders. In the late 1990s, the KLA fighters were the regions new power brokers.
the political leadership that emerges in Kosovo is likely to come from their ranks ??" militant, nationalist, uncompromising and deeply suspicious of outsiders. United States intelligence agencies, preoccupied with tracking militant Islamist groups and Iranian agents in Bosnia, were caught off guard by the Kosovo rebel forces emergence, strength, and popularity.
in 1995, isolated attacks on Serbian police and civil targets were carried out by unnamed parties in Kosovo, though it was not until February 1996 that the name "Kosovo Liberation Army" was used for the first time following a series of attacks against targets that included police stations, Serb government officials, and Serb refugee centers in western Kosovo.
observers initially doubted the existence of the KLA. The moderate Kosovo Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova attributed the attacks to Serbian agents provocateurs. However, it soon became clear that the KLA was genuine. The Serbian authorities denounced it as a terrorist organization and increased the number of security forces in the region. This had the counter-productive effect of boosting the credibility of the embryonic KLA among the Kosovo Albanian population.
the founders of the KLA were Kosovo Albanians who were frustrated by the Rugova-backed "passive resistance" strategy. They sought to bring the issue of Kosovo's relations with Serbia to a head by provoking an open conflict, in which they believed the West would be forced to intervene.
for the past nine years, the military ambitions of the former Kosovo Liberation Armys leaders have been curtailed by absorbing its commanders into the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) ??" a civil defense force which acts as a fire service and is partly armed. The force is to halve in size after independence.
Western efforts to keep Serbs and the ethnic Albanians in the same country mirrored the fruitless peace efforts carried out during the first three years of the Bosnian war. The refusal to accept the creation of ethnically pure enclaves left diplomats paying homage to multiethnic institutions, however hollow, and lofty democratic ideals that nearly all Balkan leaders detest.
the belief that Kosovo can remain a Serb province and the two groups can live together, if only the ethnic Albanians are given a little more freedom, is fraught with risks. Given that between 1966 and 1989 an estimated 130,000 Serbs left the province because of frequent harassment and discrimination by the Kosovar Albanian majority, this reasoning is at best nave.
Strategies of Conflict Transformation

Moderating Political Conflict (Motivation for Violent Conflict/Capacity for Dispute Resolution)

? from zero-sum, distributive confrontations that perpetuate violence to system of governance where competition for power can be conducted through non-violent processes

Defeating Militant Extremists (Capacity for Political Violence/Capacity of Security Sector)

? from context dominated by armed groups willing to use violence to context where armed groups are subordinated to legitimate governmental authority, reintegrated into society or defeated

Institutionalizing the Rule of Law (Impunity of Obstructionists/Capacity of Legal System)

? from instruments of state repression where political and criminal elites enjoy impunity to servants of the public capable of preserving order, basic rights (Leader-Centric Perspective to Servant-Leader Orientation)

Developing a Legitimate Political Economy (Political Influence of Illicit Wealth/ Capacity of State and Economy)

? from a situation in which the gray and black markets predominate and illicit wealth determines who wields political power to functioning formal economy in which integrity of revenues required for essential state services is protected