Shopping Malls in Latin America

El Mall: The Spatial and Class Politics of Shopping Malls in Latin America

This paper delineates a summary and discussion of what the author points out in chapter two and three of the book.

The main argument made by the author in chapter two is how the retail world is experiencing globalization and how shopping mall professionals are on the rise. The International Council of Shopping Centers (ICSC) in the past ten years or so has slowly been backed with substance. The international motivation and incentive was perceptible in the year 2013 where the commercial property development organizations flaunted maps of the globe with markings of their international footprints and where one could meet developers emanating from China, Canada and Europe. In turn, this instigated he development and enhancement of living standards across the world (Davila, 2016).

As pointed out, there is an increasing yearning for additional professional development from ICSC. In addition, there are mutual plans to develop and open equivalent educational programs throughout Latin America. However, without doubt, there is a significant progression of shopping malls all the way through the Latin America expanse. And with this spread, technologies in management are driving and steering the shopping mall business and Latin American communities closer in the direction toward collaboration with the interests of the international economy. With the development of shopping mall professionals, international organizations such as the ICSC will go on having a significant role to play in the Latin American area, not only by instigating professionalization but also educating and training them. A key aspect that can be perceived is the fact that the international shopping mall industry benefits from the pre-contemporary practices and network associations amidst the reigning elites in Latin America that it laments (Davila, 2016).

Chapter Three Summary

The third chapter delineates the wars in the retail world with respect to the politics that go on in terms of space and informal work. Colombia was incessantly pointed out as the most ideal new market by industry specialists considering the number of shopping centers had risen three fold since 2003. For instance, as of 2013, Unicentro had about 312 locales that had almost 600 owners and thirty percent of whom are the original merchant-owners. A good example illustrated by the author is that subsequent to the development of Unicentro as pointed out above, the price of commercial space for every square footage ended up changing forever. This is owing to the fact that the shopping center ended up being the medium whereby space accumulated and amassed value in the form of not only convenience but also hyper security. From that point on, commercial space within a shopping mall has continued to be more costly compared to space outside it regardless of whether it is situated in the same sector of the city. The author goes on to give an example of an individual that purchased commercial property external from Unicentro for $8 million pesos for every square meter whereas the price for the same property within the area went for $50 million pesos. This is owing to the fact that the price is amassed from the aspect of security within the mall but also owing to the notion that purchasing products within the mall is deemed the way to acquire authentic products. Another aspect of space wars is that shopping malls have instigated the path to new residential expanses that have placed emphasis on green spaces and suburban living. A good example pointed out by the author is Sante Fe shopping center and also La Felicidad that has paved way for 17,000 new residences (Davila, 2016).

Another aspect argued by the author in the chapter encompasses the standardization of shopping and the disappearance of work. One of the worrying aspects pointed out by the author is the fast disappearance of significant connections between retailers and nationwide industries that had traditionally nurtured the economy of Colombia, not to point out anxiety regarding the several industries and employments endangered by imported goods. Another key point delineated encompasses the fact that the malls in Colombia have historically had a distinction by the presence of nationwide retailers and brands as a result of their initial investments. Consequently, shopping malls in Colombia are considerably standardized in their offerings and this implies that majority of them have similar clothing stores, coffee stores, food stores, different from several shopping malls all over the globe (Davila, 2016).

Lastly, the globalization of the retail world is having an important and vital as well and longstanding impacts on the economic and social life of Colombia, which can be perceived with regard to urban space and living. It can also be perceived with regard to the day-to-day living of people and their economic subsistence. In the contemporary, shopping malls are delineated as prospects of upward mobility and welfare in the middle class status. Nonetheless, as pointed out by the author, in instances where shopping malls end up being dominant players as indicated with the case of Colombia and probably in other developing nations throughout the world, it is imperative that an analysis be made on the effect of actions and social transformations on their growth (Davila, 2016).

Questions about the Text for Consideration

From the texts of chapter two and three, there are questions that can be addressed and be taken into consideration. These include the following:

1. Is it necessary to control public space by opening up and developing of cities to shopping malls particularly through international brands?

2. What are some of the other elements that can instigate the global or international training of professionals in the real estate market?

References

Davila, A. (2016). El Mall: The Spatial and Class Politics of Shopping Malls in Latin America. University of California Press.