African Women's Utopia: Government, Love, and Culture

Introduction: Redefining Utopia from an African Woman's Perspective

According to Merriam-Webster's Dictionary, Utopia is a place of ideal perfection, especially in terms of laws, government, and social conditions. The idea of a utopian society, though subconsciously sought after for centuries, was brought to light by Sir Thomas More's work entitled Utopia. In his work, More defines the idea of a perfected society from a male European perspective shaped by the values of the 16th-century Renaissance period. More's society consisted of three basic elements — a structured government, a social order, and a family structure — all defined by those Renaissance values. However, Utopia is not restricted to only one view; it can adopt the perspective of any gender, culture, value system, or form of government. Although it would be impossible to generalize the beliefs of every individual in a given nation, it is possible to make observations based on literature and other art forms from various regions to form a collective idea of what a Utopia might look like from an African woman's perspective. The purpose of this essay is to present that perspective.

An African woman's utopia in terms of law and government is one that operates for the good of the people. It is not a system that is power-hungry or elitist, but one that is balanced and creates opportunity for all classes. It is a government that values democracy and upholds the principle that the people make the government — not that the government makes the people. Her utopia in terms of politics would be a government that acts with its people in mind, much unlike the one described in Donald Gordon's Understanding Contemporary Africa. Gordon describes the economic condition of Africa and its governments following the period of independence.

Her Utopia in Terms of Laws and Government

According to Gordon, African states were in a state of economic decline in the 1970s (D. Gordon 80). During the mid to late 1970s, a combination of internal and external political and economic factors moved the continent from decline to crisis (D. Gordon 80). At the core of these crises was the fact that the elite class held power and money was distributed unequally in their favor (D. Gordon 80). Despite their power, the elite class was unproductive in redistributing wealth, and the concentration of money among this class prohibited growth in other classes and in African states generally (D. Gordon 80).

Most of the money spent by the elite class was not directed toward capital investments that would benefit the broader economy, contributing to steady economic decline (D. Gordon 80). The trajectory of African economic stagnation was as follows: in the year prior to independence, economic growth stood at approximately 1.3%; after independence, growth dropped 0.2% yearly from 1965 to 1984 (D. Gordon 80). Between 1980 and 1985, Africa's real gross domestic product fell an average of 2.3% per year, and by the mid-1980s the "Great Descent" had become an internationally recognized economic tragedy (D. Gordon 80). By 1985, the number of people living in "absolute poverty" had grown to 180 million, representing 47% of the population (D. Gordon 81).

An African woman's utopian government would be unlike this system — it would be thoroughly trained and conditioned to solve economic, political, and social problems before they escalate. Through strategic planning and implementation, her utopian government would avoid a "Great Descent" and the extreme poverty Gordon describes. Her utopian government would help ensure a vibrant economy and employability through mandatory education and job placement programs for all children, funded by a system of mandatory taxation with revenues directed toward schools and workforce programs.

Even in her utopian government, if every decision made is not a perfectly optimal one, the government would be equipped to solve problems as they arise without allowing them to become catastrophic. Her utopian government would operate on a system of risk management that anticipates problems before they occur and plans ahead for how to address them. For example, if a budgetary shortfall were imminent, the government would be prepared to generate additional revenue before the shortage severely affected the economy or the availability of jobs.

Gordon describes how a system of corrupt politicians led to severe economic problems in Africa after independence: "In many states, corrupt practices among strategically placed politicians and bureaucrats became so habitual as to become institutionalized. Under these circumstances citizens expected to pay bribes, and they viewed politicians' raiding of government treasuries as simply the way things were done" (D. Gordon 81–82).

Her utopian government would not tolerate such corruption. All politicians would be elected by the people, and a mechanism would be immediately in effect allowing citizens to remove corrupt politicians from office if they are found to be failing the public. To keep the balance of power in check, all politicians' decisions would be reviewed periodically to ensure that their authority serves the needs of the people while keeping the economy healthy and functioning.

Furthermore, in her utopian government, the African woman's professional presence would be fairly represented — a situation very unlike what April Gordon describes in Understanding Contemporary Africa. Gordon characterizes the African woman's position in politics following independence as one of marginalization and displacement. Since independence, women have been excluded from most important political decisions in African states (A. Gordon 284). No women have served as heads of state, and women have filled only 6–8% of legislative positions in Africa (A. Gordon 284). In only four states — Rwanda, Cameroon, Malawi, and Senegal — have over 10% of legislative positions been held by women, and only 2% or fewer women fill positions at the cabinet level (A. Gordon 284).

The African woman's utopia in terms of government employment and politics would be a government of equal opportunity. It is a government where she believes in her abilities and confidently advocates for her right to serve — and in which that right is not threatened. In her utopian government, she does not adopt an attitude of acquiescence to a system of male domination, as Gordon describes: "many Africans, male and female, have come to accept male dominance in general" (285). In her utopia, she adopts an attitude of determination and willingness to persevere in spite of any perceived discrimination — and she does so with grace, poise, and tact.

Conclusion: A Universal Vision

Along the same lines, in the African woman's utopia she would not be subject to a patriarchal system that devalues her worth. She would be able to attain and sustain social worth independently of her family name or her husband. She would have the opportunity to acquire a prestigious education regardless of her family's social status and could seek employment in her chosen field regardless of whom she married or was affiliated with. In Understanding Contemporary Africa, April Gordon recounts the African woman's struggle to sustain social worth from the pre-colonial period to the present.

While some women in pre-colonial Africa held positions of power and influence, males typically held more formal authority, meaning a degree of male dominance has long existed (A. Gordon 273). According to Gordon, although opportunities for African women are increasing, they still lag far behind those of their male counterparts; women do not yet have equal legal, educational, or economic opportunities (A. Gordon 271). However, this is not equally true for every African woman. Girls born into more elite families are more likely to obtain prestigious educations and careers, though not necessarily on their own merits alone (A. Gordon 271). Women in this category are more likely to marry men of power and influence (A. Gordon 272). This is one of the few routes by which women in Africa can attain a degree of power — and the problem is obvious: that power is contingent on patriarchy rather than on women's own autonomy and self-sufficiency. In an African woman's utopia, her social and economic standing would be conditioned entirely on her own desires, efforts, and goals, while patriarchal gatekeeping would be a relic of the past.

While one may not immediately realize it, an African woman's utopia does not differ greatly from the utopia of any other race or gender. She would desire fair opportunities to serve in government and contribute to the political system. She would desire a government that is democratic, involves the people in its electoral process, and maintains fairness and accountability. In terms of love, she values partnership in marriage, desires to be valued for her contributions to the union, and looks forward to the stability that marriage can provide. She desires faithful friends and nurturing parents. In terms of life and society, she desires independence and autonomy apart from her family name, and wishes to be depicted positively and without stereotyping in popular culture.

While this is the utopia of an African woman, it is clear that much of what she envisions could describe women generally — and men as well. With this in mind, regardless of perceived misunderstandings about African women's heritage and culture, her desires and aspirations are not fundamentally different from those of other cultures or of men. The particulars of her experience are shaped by her history and social context, but the dream she holds — of dignity, equality, love, and self-determination — is recognizably human.