This paper offers a personal and cultural reflection on attitudes toward death in urban Ghanaian society. The author examines how death denial, gender norms, and social structure shape the way death is understood and discussed in Ghana. Drawing on Durkheim's theory of suicide, the paper explores how suicide is heavily stigmatized in Ghanaian culture and the social consequences that follow for bereaved families. It also contrasts how death is perceived as tragedy or celebration depending on the age of the deceased. The paper concludes with a deeply personal narrative about the author's grandfather β his closest companion and mentor β and the moment of learning of his death, illustrating how cultural practices of death denial directly affected the author's own grief experience.
I grew up in an urban part of Ghana. People in my culture are still practicing "death denial," which means that death is something you should not talk about β especially with children. The prevailing belief is that what you are unfamiliar with cannot kill you, and so children are deliberately excluded from any discussion of death. Unlike the Hutterites, my culture practices individualism and materialism to the extent that people may destroy themselves in pursuit of money and property. My culture is significantly shaped by capitalism, in which people work for employers in exchange for wages.
I remember being about eight years old when I asked my mother a question about death. She became furious and warned me never to speak of it again. Women are considered less important than men in my culture, based on the belief that a woman will one day marry and become a man's property, while men marry and retain their family name and pride. The cultural social structure assigns women responsibility for housework β cooking, cleaning, and similar domestic tasks β while men are expected to go out and provide for the family. It is considered very inappropriate for a man to cry in my culture. Even in situations involving death, men are generally expected to mourn without shedding tears.
In my culture, death can be seen as a calamity, a tragedy, or a celebration of a life well spent. Suicide, for instance, is regarded as god-awful. It is believed to bring a curse upon the entire family β a misfortune or evil spirit that will befall them. This view stands in contrast to Durkheim's theory of suicide, which holds that the degree of an individual's social integration into the larger social order is correlated with suicide rates. In my culture, suicide may also be interpreted as a consequence of one's evil deeds β a kind of divine punishment. As a result, the body of someone who has died by suicide is disposed of without a casket and without a burial ceremony. This treatment can have a profound impact on surviving family members, particularly young people. If a family member dies by suicide, others in the family may be at greater risk as well, and families affected by suicide are often shunned β people are generally reluctant to marry into such a family.
Death is considered a tragedy if the person has not yet reached seventy years of age. In such cases, the burial ceremony lasts about four hours and is characterized by silence and bereavement until the person is laid to rest. However, if the deceased was above the age of seventy, the burial automatically shifts in tone to a celebration of a life well spent. During such a ceremony, people dance, eat, drink, and engage in various cultural rituals. The contrast between these two types of funerals reflects a deeply held cultural understanding: a long life has been fulfilled, while an early death represents loss and mourning.
This reflection focuses on my grandfather's departure β to use a euphemism β and his traditional burial ceremony.
"Author's close relationship with his grandfather"
"Discovering grandfather's death as a child"
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