This paper traces the historical development of white-collar and professional workers in the United States from the late nineteenth century through the early twenty-first century. Drawing on sociologists and social critics including Peter Drucker, Robin Fincham, Keith MacDonald, Barbara Ehrenreich, Ivan Illich, and Bernice Pescosolido, the paper examines how professionals evolved from a service-oriented class into a self-reinforcing social elite. It analyzes the occupational strategies professionals use to distinguish themselves from other workers, the exclusionary barriers embedded in professional credentialing, and the societal consequences of what Illich termed "disabling professions." The paper concludes by considering declining public trust in professionals and what greater skepticism may mean for medicine and other expert fields in the twenty-first century.
From the end of the 1800s through World War I, the United States and its workers experienced a great deal of change. Industrialism was growing steadily after the Civil War, bringing both positive transformations and difficult challenges. These decades also saw the rapid rise of a new form of employee — the white-collar worker — as capitalism created demand for additional lower management, administrators, and clerical personnel. Such workers began to be classified with managers in the census rather than with skilled craftsmen and unskilled labor, or "blue-collar" workers. White-collar employees were differentiated because they earned yearly salaries instead of hourly wages or piece-rate pay. In addition, white-collar positions required at least a high school education and certain standards of behavior, manners, and dress distinct from blue-collar jobs. A social class system began to develop that made white-collar jobs seem more prestigious than blue-collar ones. The children of first- and second-generation Americans, as well as those of recent immigrants, recognized that obtaining a degree and securing a white-collar position would be necessary to rise above their parents' status.
In the early to mid-twentieth century, the two World Wars and the continued buildup of industrialization placed a strong emphasis on the need for skilled labor. By the 1950s and 1960s, industrial workers made up the largest group within the labor force. However, over the latter half of the century, another shift took place: the decline of blue-collar workers and the corresponding rise of white-collar ones.
Since World War II, the number of white-collar workers in the U.S. labor force has increased dramatically. Today they account for over 50 percent of the labor force, surpassing their industrialized and trade counterparts by approximately 11 million. Further, for the first time since tracking began 20 years ago, women outnumber men in higher non-blue-collar occupations. United States Bureau of Labor Statistics data indicate that women represent 50.6 percent of the 48 million employees in white-collar-related occupations — a 10 percent rise since 1983.
A large number of these white-collar workers are labeled "professionals." Management consultant Peter Drucker describes the shift from blue-collar workers to professionals as "the subsequent rise of 'knowledge workers.'" These employees are so named because they require formal education and continuous, lifelong learning to advance in their fields.
Basically, a professional can be defined as one who professes a body of knowledge. A professional receives payment for an activity for which he or she has great skill, or produces work that demonstrates such skill. To conduct oneself as a professional — exhibiting "professional behavior" — means that one's actions remain in accordance with specific rules, written or unwritten, pertaining to the standards of a given profession. In many fields, a person must overcome a barrier to entry before gaining recognition as a professional. Such barriers include academic degrees, certifications, licenses, or completion of an apprenticeship. Professions with such barriers include medicine, engineering, law, teaching, and, more recently, careers in electronic technology.
Over the past several decades, many such professions achieved legitimacy because they offered a service for the good of society. They were seen as carrying authority, since they provided unique expertise and knowledge. As a result, increasing numbers of individuals have joined these professional ranks. New professions are recognized on a regular basis, including those most recently associated with information technology and computer science.
Indeed, more than ever, professionals are seeking a degree of status that separates them from other white-collar workers. Many have even been forming their own unions to secure better benefits and pay. The Professional and Technical Work Force: A New Frontier for Unions describes a new labor movement attracting large numbers of professional workers who seek a leadership role in the workplace and in the new economy. These individuals include educators, librarians, healthcare professionals and technicians, performing artists, scientists and engineers, computer-related professionals, and social service personnel.
The definition, or "denotation," of a professional given above is "someone who professes a certain knowledge." But what is the connotation of the word? Considerable differences of opinion surround the political and social status of professionals. A number of social scientists have begun to examine this phenomenon to determine its impact on American society — a field of inquiry known as the sociology of professions.
Several researchers studying this issue have found that professionals do all they can to separate themselves from other employees — to make themselves a unique unit unto themselves. Fincham (283) suggests that instead of regarding professionalism as an inherent quality of a few select occupations, it is best understood as an occupational strategy. Newer professional groups, such as pharmacists, attempt to gain recognition as professions in order to receive the rewards — including remuneration — already enjoyed by earlier established professions.
MacDonald (208) adds that studies of law, medicine, architecture, and accounting indicate that the apparently secure positions these occupations hold in public esteem are only achieved after long periods of internal conflict and less-than-amicable interaction with the state. These professions have had to use a wide range of tactics to convince their clientele, the public, and the government that they are worthy of their privileges and rewards.
Parry and Parry have defined a professional strategy as a form of upward collective mobility. For a profession to be successful in its occupational strategy, it must function as a firm coalition of interests and act collectively — not unlike a trade union. Although, as noted above, more professionals are joining unions, Parry and Parry argue that these are distinct from blue-collar unions. Professionals have been known to take industrial action, but they are anxious not to be identified by the public as trade unions. Professional associations are therefore closer to craft unions than to large general labor unions, which aim to represent as many people as possible in a given industry regardless of their specific occupation or skills.
"Credentialism as barrier to working-class advancement"
"Illich's critique of dependency-creating expert systems"
"Declining deference and rising patient skepticism"
You’re 49% through this paper. Sign up to read the remaining 3 sections.
Sign Up Now — Instant Access Already a member? Log inAlways verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.