How the Armed Forces Can Eliminate Discrimination in Their Officer Ranks

Abstract

On July 26, 1948, Executive Order 9981: Desegregation of the Armed Forces was signed into law eliminating segregation in the military by President Truman. He envisioned an armed force that would extend opportunities to all persons. Though the Army strives to recruit a diverse fighting force that reflects the United States' diversity, it tends not to reflect at the senior leadership level. However, African-Americans tend not to branch or choose combat arms military occupational specialty (MOS), thus not setting themselves up to be selected for a senior leadership position, when 59% of the general officer assignments are combat arms. To this end, the purpose of this qualitative methods study using a document analysis research strategy was to identify the main reasons behind the unreasonable representation rates of African-Americans in senior leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces today in order to formulate appropriate and timely recommendations to address this constraint in the future.

Table of Contents

Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………..

Chapter One: Introduction ………………………………………………………………..

Chapter Two: Review of Literature ………………………………………………………..

Chapter Three: Methods ………………………………………………………………..

Chapter Four: Results ………………………………………………………………..

Chapter Five: Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations ………………………..

Why there are few African-American Military Officers in Senior Leadership Positions

Chapter One: Introduction

Today, of the approximately 1.3 million men and women on active duty in the U.S. armed forces, fully 43%, or about 560,000 individuals, are African-Americans (Cooper, 2020). However, at present, there is a stark and persistent paucity of senior leaders among these African-Americans service people among the more than half-million servicepersons in the military. Indeed, these disparate representation rates have remained stagnated for more than a half-century, with little or no substantive progress having been made in reducing these disparities. Although some encouraging signs are emanating from the White House and Pentagon at present that promise to improve African-Americans' promotion opportunities to attain top leadership positions in the future, the process requires time, and some observers suggest time is no longer a luxury that the U.S. armed forces enjoy.

The experience of African-Americans in the U.S. armed forces is inexorably tied to more than 350 years of slavery, which began in the early 1600s and the Jim Crow era, resulting in a nadir in American racial relations during the early part of the 20th century (Kendrick, 1998). Despite these brutally challenging and dehumanizing experiences and the obstacles in their path to equality, African-Americans have served with honor and distinction in every war that has been fought by the United States, including the Revolutionary War. In fact, according to Ender and his associates (2015), "Indeed, a Black, 47-year-old, runaway slave named Crispus Attucks was the first American killed by a British soldier [...] in the course of events which would lead to independence in the United States" (p. 231).

One of the especially noteworthy aspects of this early commitment by African-Americans to defend the United States is the fact that they were actually exempted from the U.S. Militia Act of 1792, which mandated involuntary military construction for all males, but which was subsequently interpreted to mean that these provisions did not apply to blacks, free or otherwise (Ender et al., 2015). Nevertheless, and despite fighting against one white supremacist government on behalf of the similarly constituted United States and being treated far differently from their white counterparts, African-Americans have historically served the country as members of the armed forces. In this regard, Ender et al. (2015) point out that, “Yet, in the new United States, African-Americans continued to serve in times of war — in particular, in the War of 1812, and the Mexican Wars — but their status as a soldier was second class at best” (p. 231). Furthermore, and despite offers of their freedom by the embattled and struggling Confederacy if the South prevailed in the Civil War (an offer that profoundly contradicted the fundamental precepts upon which the Confederacy was founded), African-Americans also played an essential role in winning the Civil War (Ender et al., 2015).

It is also important to note that despite being relegated to a second-class citizen role during the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, African-Americans continued their of military service to the country even when they were compelled to serve in segregated units. These trends, though, did help to underscore further the need for senior African American military leaders to command these segregated units, including the famed Buffalo soldiers in the Indian and Spanish American Wars. Consequently, Henry O. Flipper became the first African American graduate from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 1877 as a direct result. Another 24 blacks graduated from the academy by the fin de siècle (Ender et al., 2015).

Although race relations remained strained during the first decades of the 20th century, growing numbers of African American men and women came to regard service in the armed forces as a viable path towards greater social equality, and these views became especially pronounced following the entry of the United States into the bloody battlefields of World War I. Here again, however, despite their honorable and even heroic service to the nation, the very same African American men and women were once again relegated to a second-class citizen status once the war had been won (Ender et al., 2015).

Things began to change in more substantive ways, though, during and following America’s existential challenges in World War II. For instance, according to Ender et al., “World War II facilitated a continued struggle on the part of African-Americans to serve in the military, and they did so with gallantry. That effort propelled them demonstratively forward in the struggle for both military and societal integration” (p. 233). This particular struggle was resolved by Executive Order No. 9981 promulgated by President Harry S. Truman in 1948, which desegregated military units which would go on to fight the battles of the Korean and Vietnam wars. These contributions to the nation’s defense and security were responsible, at least in part, for the grudging acceptance of the Civil Rights Act and subsequent federal legislation that was designed to guarantee African-Americans their fundamental constitutional civil rights.

In what can be regarded as yet another historic turning point for African-Americans serving their country in the military, the percentage of blacks in the armed forces remained consistently high even after the end of conscription and the introduction of the All-Volunteer Force in 1973. Since that time, African American representation in the U.S. armed forces has consistently outpaced their representation in the general American population, a trend that continues to the present day, a trend that is examined in more depth in Chapter Four which follows below. These trends have remained fairly high despite the end of the AVF in 1973, and African American representation in the U.S. armed forces has remained higher than their corresponding representation in the general American population, a reality that further underscores their commitment to serving and protecting the nation.

Notwithstanding this extensive track record of military service, the numbers of African-Americans enlisting in the armed forces has been on the decline, most notably in the U.S. Army and Marine Corps, a trend which became evident following the cessation of hostilities in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. The decline in enlistments in the U.S. Army and Marines is noteworthy because these two services are tasked with executing the ground component of warfare on land, making them the indispensable “boots on the ground” that are still required for conventional war.

Although these recent modest declines in enlistments in these two critical service branches has succeeded in bringing the representation of African-Americans more in line with their overall representation in the American population, the U.S. military still provides invaluable career opportunities for many African-Americans who might not be able to secure these benefits elsewhere (Segal & Thanner, 2007). In this regard, Ender et al. conclude that “While their numbers are currently more in line with their proportional representation in the larger society, previous representation suggested both a tradition of service, patriotism, and providing the African-American community with a major path towards career development not found in the civilian economy” (p. 233). These opportunities, however, are also characterized by the fact that minorities in general and African-Americans, in particular, consider themselves far more likely to be assigned to hazardous combat scenarios such as those witnessed in Korea and Vietnam, a perception that is further affected by ongoing reports of institutionalized racism in the armed forces over the past 30 years or so (Ender et al., 2015).

Notwithstanding the multiple benefits that accrue to individuals that serve in the armed forces, the combined effects of these negative perceptions on the part of many African-Americans may help explain the current dearth of top-ranking black leaders in the U.S. military. As examined further in the literature review that follows immediately below, there have been some exceptions, most notably the assignment of retired four-star Army general Lloyd Austin as the first African American Secretary of Defense, but promotion opportunities have been bleak for the vast majority of black officers in recent years. For instance, according to Brook (2020), “The lack of Black officers in the Army’s combat commands has diminished the chances for diversity in military leadership for years to come, resulting in a nearly all-white leadership of an increasingly diverse military and nation. The Army, the largest of the armed services, has made little progress in promoting officers of color, particularly Black soldiers, to commands in the past six years” (para. 4).

This failure has made sources, of course, but much of the blame has been assigned to the former executive administration, which made it a point to defend the use of the names of Confederate heroes for major military bases in the United States and reportedly even delayed the promotions of females to the rank of general for fear of offending the previous resident of the Oval Office who lacked any formal military experience whatsoever. This anti-military stance placed a further dampening effect on the African-Americans' progression during this administration, but the actual process has been long felt by active-duty personnel. For example, Brook (2020) points out that “Black people make up 22.7% of enlisted soldiers, 16.5% of warrant officers and 11% of officers on active duty as of July [2020]. At the officer levels, this is a decrease from 21%, 18.4% and 12.6%, respectively, in 2010 [and] the stakes of fairness and equity are manifest [as well as] the military's ability to defend the nation” (2020, para. 6).

The purpose of this qualitative study concerns the key reasons behind the inordinate representation rates of African-Americans in senior leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces at present. Providing a qualitative analysis examining the differences between African-Americans and their armed forces counterparts will help address the lack of diversity in senior leadership positions. A qualitative literature review of peer-reviewed and scholarly resources together with primary data developed from semi-structured interviews served to illuminate the multiple barriers prohibiting African-Americans officers from reaching those senior positions. Finally, recommendations to decrease the racial imbalance in the Armed Forces conclude the study.

The study was guided by the following research questions:

1. How does military service affect interracial perceptions and attitudes?

2. What has been the historic role of African Americans in the U.S. armed forces compared to today?

3. What is the current representation of African Americans in top commissioned leadership positions compared to the American population at large?

4. What steps are being taken to address any identified disparities in representation among upper commissioned leadership echelons?

Significance of the study

Many of these more recent efforts to address disparities in the representation of African American commissioned officers in the top leadership echelons of the armed forces have serendipitously coincided with the nation’s outrage over the murder of George Floyd at the hands of law enforcement authorities, and these changes underscore the importance that overcoming racism in the military services has assumed in recent months. Indeed, in his testimony before a U.S. Congressional committee, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff made it clear that “We must thoughtfully examine our institution and ensure it is a place where all Americans see themselves represented and have equal opportunity to succeed, especially in leadership positions” (as cited in Brook, 2020, para. 6). In sum, and to paraphrase the cartoon character “Pogo,” We have met the enemy, and he is us” for far too many African-Americans in the U.S. military today, but the research was consistent in showing that things are changing for the better, albeit at a painfully slow pace. In sum, African-Americans in the U.S. military have faced the double-whammy of institutionalized racism combined with the political turmoil that has rocked the armed forces in recent years, and these issues are examined further below.

Chapter Two: Review of Literature

African Americans’ long history of military service has been used as a path towards gaining social equality

Although the history of the United States is certainly not unique with respect to longstanding institutional practices and views that are based on race, this nation does stand apart from others by virtue of having fought an enormously costly Civil War, in part in order to end slavery but also to eliminate these disparities for all time. Indeed, the original U.S. Constitution is silent with respect to race (notwithstanding the so-called “three-fifths” provision that does not specify race), the Thirteenth Amendment, which outlawed slavery (except for prisoners that were adjudicated in courts of competent jurisdiction) and the Fifteenth Amendment, which refers to “race” and “color” in its guarantees to the right to vote.

In 1948, Executive Order 9981 desegregated the U.S. armed forces, and President Truman expected them to provide equal opportunities to all servicepersons as a result. The text of Executive Order 9981 specifically states in part that “there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed forces without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin” (Executive Order 9981, 1948). This order issued three-quarters of a century ago has not been fully implemented based on the historic levels of African-Americans occupying positions of top leadership in the U.S. military. However, some service branches beside the U.S. Army have been more successful than others in achieving this idealized reality, but as the research that follows below will clearly demonstrate, racially-based obstacles and challenges still confront African-Americans at every turn in their military careers irrespective of their particular branch of service.

Some indication of the growing awareness – and the corresponding frustrations that African-Americans have experienced in recent years – can be found in a study by Briscoe (2013) that notes, "Today the Army is striving to maintain the [Truman] vision by recruiting and retaining an organization reflective of the country's diverse population. However, Black officers are underrepresented in the combat arms, specifically in the Infantry, Armor, and Field Artillery branches” (para. 5). Because the U.S. Army and Marine Corps provide the overwhelming majority of the group troops that are needed to prosecute land warfare and the fact that is serving in a combat role in one of these three branches have facilitated advancement to senior leadership positions, African American face yet another double whammy when it comes to gaining access to promotion opportunities. In this regard, Briscoe points out that, “This underrepresentation can be termed occupational segregation. Blacks’ nonparticipation in these career paths decreases the diversity in these branches and makes it difficult for Blacks to attain appropriate representation among general officers, as more than 59% of the Army’s generals are selected from the combat arms” (para. 7).

In other words, the path to equality under the law has been arduous and lengthy, but the problem of racially-based disparities remains firmly in place throughout the United States today. Indeed, the results of a study by Segal and Thanner (2007) showed that even prior to the most recent dampening effects on promotions for minorities in general and African American women in particular, there had been virtually no progress in improving the representation of blacks in the U.S. military in high-level leadership positions. For instance, according to Segal and Thanner (2007), “Since the start of the All-Volunteer Force [AVF] in 1973, African-Americans have served in the U.S. military, especially in the Army, in numbers greater than their percentage of the population. This disproportionate representation has been evident among military women” (p. 48).

As noted above, African-Americans' enlistments have tapered off in recent years, but there have been some corresponding increases in Hispanic enlistments' accession. Not surprisingly, perhaps, this minority group has also experienced many of the same types of constraints to top military leadership positions as their African American counterparts. Moreover, Hispanic women have joined the armed forces at a greater rate than males, meaning that they did not constitute a larger percentage of the women serving on active duty than Hispanic men during a period in American history when this minority group is becoming the majority in many parts of the country (Segal & Thanner, 2007).

African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

It is against this backdrop that recent and current initiatives that are intended to address the longstanding problem of disparate representation of African-Americans in top military leadership positions have been implemented and administered, but all such initiatives have faced many of the same constraints to progress (Segal & Thanner, 2007). For example, nearly a quarter-century ago, the U.S. Congress established the Military Leadership Diversity Commission to examine diversity levels in all military branches of service and identify appropriate strategies for overcoming these constraints to parity. One of the more interesting findings that emerged from this initiative was the fact that each of the service branches has a different definition of "diversity," but many of the other findings and recommendations that the Commission promulgated were simply rehashes of formerly identified needs. In this regard, one disappointed observer pointed out that, "According to Clarence 'C.J.' Johnson, principal director of the office of diversity management and equal opportunity at the Department of Defense, not much more can be expected after two years, particularly at the senior levels" (Jones, 2010, p. 58).

In their defense, Jones (2010) does point out that even the high-powered Military Leadership Diversity Commission was unable rather than unwilling to remedy some of the problems that have contributed to the longstanding misrepresentation of African-Americans in top military leadership roles. For instance, Jones (2010) notes that “First, it takes 25 years to advance to the rank of general. But more importantly, many young African-Americans don't view the military as a long-term career goal [and] focus on developing careers in four years that are marketable on the outside” (p. 59). Although African-Americans are certainly not the only demographic group that has used this pragmatic approach to military service to advance their professional civilian careers, these trends underscore the profound challenges faced by each of the armed forces' branches in the early 21st century.

It is also widely recognized that certain occupations within each service branch offer greater promotion opportunities to higher-level positions than others. It is little wonder that military career-minded officers of all demographic groups have taken advantage of these paths to promotion when and where they are available. In some cases, however, African-Americans have not been able to gain access to the same career ladders that exist for white officers in the armed forces. In this regard, Jones (2010) points out that, “There is a strategic path that leads to higher levels of the military in positions that include Air Force pilot; infantry, battle-tested Marine and Army officers; and tactical operations across the board--areas that women and minorities tend not to select” (p. 59).

Nonetheless, even the U.S. Department of Defense recognized the need after the creation of the Military Leadership Diversity Commission and began what may be one of the more important strategies to help improve the representation of African-Americans in top military leadership positions. As Jones emphasizes, “In addition to exploring ways to expose more women and minorities to those fields, Defense is also looking at civilian businesses and organizations for clues about how to help those demographic groups advance” (2010, p. 59).In their final report, the Military Leadership Diversity Commission claimed that its final recommendations should seek to achieve three discrete but interrelated goals as follows:

1. Establish the foundation for effective diversity leadership with a definition of diversity that is congruent with the Department of Defense’s core values and vision of its future;

2. Develop future leaders who represent the face of America and are able to effectively lead a diverse workforce to maximize mission effectiveness; and,

3. Implement policies and practices that will make leaders accountable for instilling diversity leadership as a core competency of the Armed Forces (Lyles, 2011, p. 8).

The core values and vision of the Department of Defense were codified most recently on July 24, 1998, with the publication of its “Human Goals Charter” which states:

Our nation was founded on the principle that the individual has infinite dignity and worth. The Department of Defense, which exists to keep the Nation secure and at peace, must always be guided by this principle. In all that we do, we must show respect for the serviceman, the servicewoman, the civilian employee, and family members. The defense of the Nation requires a well-trained force, military and civilian, regular and reserve. To provide such a force, we must increase the attractiveness of a career in the Department of Defense so that service members and civilian employees will feel the highest pride in themselves, their work, their organization, and their profession.

In an effort to realize these core values and overarching vision, the Department of Defense has taken several steps to both increase the available pool of African American candidates for the commissioned officer ranks as well as adopting innovative practices that are specifically intended to facilitate their career advancement (Lyles, 2011).

Mentoring initiatives that facilitate and encourage interracial understanding, appreciation and respect

While it is tempting to characterize some if not many of the above-listed ambitious initiatives as overly broad and unfocused (because they are), they do provide a useful framework in which to move the armed forces forward towards the long-term goal of achieving demographic parity for all service members in the higher echelons of leadership, one of the more valuable lessons learned from this collaboration with the private sector has been the growing recognition concerning the value of providing young African American officers with a seasoned mentor who can help them avoid the pitfalls of military leadership while simultaneously learning how to become the best officers possible. For example, a recent case study of an African American captain conducted by Randolph found that “Mentoring is a developmental relationship where experiences are shared between two people, one with greater experience and one with lesser experience, based on mutual trust and respect” (2018, p. 37).

The Randolph (2018) case study, though, also found that few African American officers are offered mentoring opportunities, and when they do become available, it is in an informal fashion rather than being formally administered through the Army Mentoring Program due in part to a lack of awareness that this initiative is even available. Besides raising awareness of mentoring opportunities for African-Americans, Randolph also recommends that Army decision-makers have taken into account the multiple “rings” in which military mentoring in general and Army mentoring, in particular, takes place as set forth in Table 1 below.

Table 1

“Rings” involved in military mentoring

Ring

Description

Theoretical ring

The theoretical ring consisted of three parts: Experiential

learning, organizational design, and management theory. Experiences as the key component to the Army’s and practitioner’s definitions of mentoring served as the impetus for experiential learning theory (ELT) as the theoretical framework. Included under the theoretical framework were the Army organizational design and management theories. Because the Army espouses leadership versus management, and promotes interactions with people, several theorists were used to describe how the Army operates.

Practitioner ring

This ring covers three broad categories: 1) mentoring in theory, 2) practice, and 3) with military personnel. The philosophy of mentoring has a generally accepted framework to describe the mentoring paradigm: youth, academic, workplace, and reflective phases. Academic mentoring has two corollaries useful in examining the military mentoring relationship: 1) the professor/student mentoring relationship and 2) and mentoring of minority faculty by white faculty.

Social ring

The military reflects the larger society from which it is recruited. Society has three areas that may influence how African American Army officers receive mentoring: 1) mentoring diverse groups, 2) the quest for African American mentors, and 3) mentoring African American males. The issue of mentoring African American men is a component within diverse groups. African American men face social stigmas, transitional concerns and workplace mentoring issues. Finally, mentoring minorities in the military has two additional components: 1) generational and 2) diversity. Well documented within society and the Army are the challenges of the generation gap. The generation gap may impact how Millennial generation officers perceive and receive mentoring with the advent of the social media age and the possible benefits to minorities of

anonymity through e-mentoring.

Military mentoring ring

Exploring military mentoring provided a composite look at how mentoring occurs across the military services. Just as each service has its unique style of uniforms, customs, and traditions', mentoring has the same uniqueness. Although the Navy, Air Force, and Marines have established mandatory mentoring

programs through proclamation. The mentoring of minorities however, is addressed as a diversity issue in the Navy, Air Force, and other government agencies. In fact, only the Army Mentoring Program remains separate and distinct from the Army Diversity Management Program; nothing has changed in the Army to examine why. How mentoring for diverse groups is addressed,

may impact the recruitment, accessions, development, assessments, and retention of minority officers for the Army, and address the diversity imbalance in the Army senior officer ranks.

Army mentoring ring

To understand how the Army employs mentoring, requires understanding the role of mentoring in the Army learning and leading frameworks, and in officer education. Understanding Army mentoring also requires a deeper concept of the Army Mentoring Program. The Army uses a domains approach in acquiring knowledge and creating understanding. The Army Leader Development Model consists of three domains: 1) institutional, 2) operational, and 3) self-development. Each domain is characterized by the three components for developing leaders: 1) training, 2) education, and 3) experience. The domains occur in a dynamic environment with peer and developmental relationships as support.

Source: Adapted from Randolph, 2018

Private sector practitioners have long appreciated the importance of mentoring opportunities based in part on the above-described elements. These programs are typically implemented early on in prospective leaders’ careers. As Jones (2010) concludes, “I think mentoring is a key factor that influences [military] career choices. How you talk to and encourage people to consider some of the critical military occupations. There is work to be done in that regard, and we continue to look at ideas on how to influence that” (p. 60). The fact that the U.S. Army has made a commitment to examine its approach to minority mentoring must be viewed as a positive step in the right direction, but Randolph (2018) also makes it clear that this military branch has a long way to go to catch up with some of the other service branches.

Although mentoring lags behind the other service branches in the U.S. Army at present, it is clear that it has taken mentoring seriously as a potential partial solution to its paucity of African American officers in its upper echelons. Likewise, some of the other armed forces branches have also made mentoring a cornerstone of their efforts to improve African American officers' promotion rates. A good example of this can be seen in the efforts by the U.S. Coast Guard, which is focusing on creating a “long-lasting pipeline” of African American officer candidates early on in their academic careers, beginning at the middle and high school levels, which encourage participants to pursue STEM-related coursework that can benefit them and the armed forces.

The Coast Guard Academy’s diversity affairs director also makes the point that while it is important to increase the numbers of eligible candidates entering the pipeline, it is also essential to provide these participants with the ongoing support they need to succeed in a military career (Jones, 2010). At the time of writing, Jones (2010) reports that “African-Americans make up just 2.5% of the student body and Hispanics account for 7% to 8% [but] the 2014 incoming class is it’s most diverse since 1999, with 16 African-Americans out of a class of 290 students” (p. 37). While these percentages appear to represent real progress, it must be noted that 16 African-Americans out of 290 students is just 5.5%, compared to their current 12.6% representation in the larger American population (American people, 2021).

In fact, the Coast Guard concedes that even this progress is modest. Still, the Academy’s diversity affairs director also notes that the most recent cadre of minority students are better prepared academically for the rigors of the coursework compared to previous classes. They have enjoyed the benefits of a comprehensive pre-orientation mentoring program (for which they arrive on campus early) that is specifically focused on providing these future Coast Guard leaders with the “moral support they need as individuals and a group to succeed [because] we're not just trying to change the crayon box [but] want to make sure they're successful once they come through the door" (as cited in Jones, 2010, p. 38). These combined efforts have already demonstrated some positive results, with the Coast Guard recently celebrating the promotion of the first African American flag officer to receive three stars as well as its second female vice commandant in the Academy’s history. Moreover, minority retention rates in the Coast Guard are at unprecedentedly high levels and actually exceed majority retention levels, albeit only slightly for officers; however, representation rates for enlisted ranks tell a different story, with fully 39.9% of the Coast Guard enlisted ranks being filled by minority members and nearly one-third (29.7%) females (Jones, 2010).

Although not as impressive as the Coast Guard’s results in improving diversity in its ranks, its sister service, the U.S. Navy, also reports increasing success in its efforts to recruit minorities and women. For example, Jones cited Captain Ken Barrett, head of the Navy’s diversity programming, as enthusing that, “There has been a dramatic improvement with regard to women, who now represent approximately 15.3% of its force. African-Americans and Hispanics represent 8.08% and 6.22% of the officer ranks and 18.26% and 17.21% of enlistment, respectively” (as cited in Jones, 2010, p. 38).

These percentages are far more in line with African American representation in the larger population, but these results did not just fall out of the sky but were rather the result of an ongoing commitment to promoting diversity in the Navy today and in the future. In this regard, Barrett adds that “We have diversity outreach officers in major markets, and we added outreach officers in New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, Houston, and Atlanta. We also have done a lot to network among educators, business leaders, and government officials to get the Navy message out there and access untapped markets” (as cited in Jones, 2010, p 38).

In other words, the U.S. Navy is taking steps to actively reach out to prospective African-Americans who may have not seriously considered a military career in ways that other service branches are not. Here again, as well, the U.S. Navy has borrowed some important guidance from the private sector by ensuring that these officer candidates receive the types and levels of mentoring support they need to succeed. For instance, Jones points out that, “Although the Navy works to ensure that members of all demographic groups receive the support needed to achieve major milestones and key assignments that lead to faster promotions, the branch also has made a special effort to expose racial and ethnic minorities to service affinity groups through which enlisted men and women can meet and be mentored by senior officers from similar backgrounds” (2010, p.38).

Finally, the U.S. Army has also implemented a number of new strategies that have been borrowed from the private sector to help eliminate known obstacles to promotion for African-Americans, including stopping the practice of including photographs of officers in their personnel files to prevent promotion boards from taking race into account, even unconsciously, during their deliberations. Likewise, there are indications from the field that growing numbers of African American officers are selecting combat assignments which is a proven path to achieving access to higher-level positions. While these practices have been used in the private sector for years, it is important to note that it is never too late to eliminate longstanding barriers to progress.

Thematic analysis of peer-reviewed and scholarly studies concerning African American representation in the U.S. armed forces

In order to develop timely and informed answers to the study’s guiding research questions using the qualitative method described further in chapter three below, summaries of peer-reviewed and scholarly studies are coded in Table 2 below.

Table 2

Key findings from peer-reviewed and scholarly studies and corresponding themes

Source

Key findings

Comments

Thematic Code(s)

Shaffer (n.d.).

Even after integration and the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, life in an officially colorblind military (or country, for that matter) did not and does not guarantee equable treatment

before the law, whether that law is civil or the Uniform Code of Military Justice. The Continental forces had a mixed record on the service of African-Americans. The most integrated service was the Navy, which welcomed African-American sailors with open arms.

African-Americans have been part of the national political struggles of the United States since before independence, even despite the vexed relationship to the ideals of liberty and justice experienced by both the

enslaved and “free black” populations.

1. African Americans’ long history of military service has been used as a path towards gaining social equality

Adams (1997)

Mentoring is a popular subject in discussions concerning leadership and professional development; however, like the rest of society, minorities and women in the military are

disadvantaged in the socialization process. It appears they are not provided the proper

guidance and hands-on experience, which is necessary to practice leadership and improve their skills in the work-place. The US military has followed the business sector and has begun to address these problems by instituting formal mentoring programs. These programs are based on the premise that a successful mentorship benefits not only the individual, but the organization as well. Properly implemented and administered, mentoring can have a positive effect on individuals and military organizations

This was a seminal study of mentoring in the U.S. military in which the author first mentions that the armed forces are taking lessons from the private sector in its mentoring initiatives.

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Briscoe (2013)

The Army must manage diversity which requires

more than simply supplementing an old system with new initiatives. It requires

changing the system and modifying the core culture, which includes senior leaders’

oversight of the professional development processes. This measure of performance will

promote diversity and fairness within the ranks.

The Army cannot solve this problem on its own. Senior leaders must also aggressively pursue diversity among the most senior ranks.

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Bonam & Nas (2018)

Whites when compared to African-Americans displayed less critical historical knowledge, explaining their greater denial of systemic racism. Moreover, stronger racial identity among Whites predicted greater systemic racism denial.

Differences in critical historical knowledge (i.e., knowledge of past racism) and motivation to protect group esteem predicted present-day racism perceptions among Whites and Blacks attending different, racially homogenous universities.

4. Military service facilitates and encourages interracial understanding, appreciation and respect

Jones (2010)

In 2008, the U.S. Congress established the Military Leadership Diversity Commission which was tasked with analyzing the promotion rates for minorities in the military and to develop strategies to make the armed forces more reflective of the nation's diverse population. The Commission’s final report included recommendations for increased recruiting efforts directed at African-Americans to help balance their representation in the higher ranks of all of the military branches.

Recruiting and retaining minorities, particularly in the officer ranks, present an ongoing challenge for each military branch

2. The modern military is fundamentally a meritocracy that defies overt racism; and,

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Randolph (2018)

Mentoring occurs in the Army, but not through the Army Mentoring Program, because few officers are registered, use, or know of the program. Those patterns were parallel to three other patterns that indicated: lost mentoring time for junior officers, only 1-5 mentee experiences in an Army career, and an ardent desire for mentoring relationships. Based on the research findings, patterns identified, and themes developed, mentoring may have greater impact on African American Army Captain success and promotion potential when initiated at the onset of an officer’s career.

Subpar promotion rates to Major for minority and female officers is a systemic problem spanning over the last 40-plus years, and what may contribute to the diversity imbalance at senior Army officer levels, requires a holistic performance improvement strategy.

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Jones (2010)

Recruiting and retaining minorities, particularly in the officer ranks, presents an ongoing challenge for each military branch. The Coast Guard Academy, however, is hopeful that community outreach may ultimately be the key and the Air Force concurs. Reaching out to underrepresented demographic groups around the country to educate them on Air Force opportunities, both in uniform and as civilians, helps youth and their mentors understand the benefit of serving in the Air Force and military in general. The Air Force is committed to being a leading competitor in the war for talent.

Overall, in 2010, the U.S. Air Force was 7.04% Hispanic, 12.7% African American, and 19.4% female, with its greatest challenge in attracting diverse applicants at the officer level. The Air Force has great diversity within the enlisted ranks. The competition is keen with corporate America, as well as other services for the same group of highly qualified diverse college graduates.

2. The modern military is fundamentally a meritocracy that defies overt racism; and,

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Myers (2014)

A growing body of scholarship indicates that civil rights leaders rather than prejudiced white officers, opposed the idea of expanding the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) at historically black colleges and universities because doing so could reinforce segregation. Instead, people within the Department of Defense worked to raise the number of African-Americans attending the service academies and ROTC programs at multiracial schools.

As long as 50 years ago, military and civilian officials expressed growing concerns over the lack of career progression of black officers.

2. The modern military is fundamentally a meritocracy that defies overt racism; and,

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Ender, M. G. et al. (2015)

African-Americans in the U.S. military encompass at least two distinct identity groups: a racial status associated with lower support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and a military status which tends to be more 'hawkish' in perspective. Majorities of military cadets, regardless of race, supported both of these wars more than their civilian counterparts, but African-Americans are significantly less supportive of the wars relative to their peers within each group. African-American cadets support both wars less so than whites and cadets of other races, but African-American cadets supported both wars more than African-American civilians.

It appears that racial and military affiliations combine to yield a unique perspective on war, adapting elements of both statuses. These findings support the concept of intersectionality. As Ender and his colleagues conclude, “Slavery ends in the United States following the American Civil War, where African-Americans made significant military contributions to the North winning the war. Estimates are that 200,000 served and 27,000 died [and] their service showed a propensity to fight for country” (Ender et al., 2015, p. 232).

1. African Americans’ long history of military service has been used as a path towards gaining social equality; and,

4. Military service facilitates and encourages interracial understanding, appreciation and respect.

Johnson (2008)

Previous research suggests that mentor relationships are facilitative of career success, career satisfaction, and retention

in organizations. Yet, little research has been done to explore the prevalence or function of mentor relationships in military populations. Of the 576 third-year midshipmen at the U.S. Naval Academy, just 40% of the respondents have ever experienced a mentoring relationship. Most mentors were senior military personnel, and

87% were male. Most relationships were mutually initiated, and they tended to last for several years.

Although both career and psychosocial mentor functions were present in these relationships, psychosocial functions were most notable and

most highly correlated with positive appraisals of mentor relationships. Midshipmen viewed mentoring as extremely important and rated their own mentor relationships as extremely positive.

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities; and,

4. Military service facilitates and encourages interracial understanding, appreciation and respect

Bryant (2009)

Even in the 21st century, the U.S. Army’s African-American officers are not sufficiently mentored. Our nation has experienced slavery, economic depression, major wars and conflicts, racial oppression, and recent globalization; however, our Army still has shortcomings in mentorship, particularly in the development of African-American officers. Even so, African-American officers continue to emerge as leaders, despite the obstacles they must overcome. However, these obstacles could be less formidable if a mentorship program enabled them to realize their full potential. For this nation to continue to field a dominant Army, a better mentorship program must be built. Lack of proper mentorship could adversely affect the country’s national interests by detracting from U.S. military dominance, reducing security, and weakening diplomacy. African-American officers must proactively seek out mentors of any race. Senior military leaders, regardless of race, must welcome the opportunity to mentor African-American officers.

Our nation expects its military officers to be competent, technically proficient and highly trained professionals in their various military occupational specialties. Therefore, mentorship is vital for all officers, regardless of

race. In order to groom future African-American officers, we must implement new and

innovative mentoring programs in the 21st century

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities; and,

4. Military service facilitates and encourages interracial understanding, appreciation and respect

Smith (2010)

The Armed Forces and the Army in particular, have spent a great deal of economic and intellectual capital trying to understand Black officer satisfaction, career-related outcomes and other diversity-related issues. Some of the interest has come because of the realization that Black officers see their world differently than other racial groups. An example of this comes from the Defense Manpower Data Center’s Equal Opportunity Survey Report. The principal investigators of this report found among other things that “Blacks (19%) were more likely than Whites (4%), Native Americans/ Alaskan Natives (8%), and Hispanics and Asians/ Pacific Islanders (13%, for both) to indicate experiencing at least one evaluation incident (e.g., being rated lower than expected on an evaluation) during their career.

The Army has recognized the fact that there is a dearth of black officers at the general officer levels of the organization and has undertaken several diversity initiatives to address the problem. The Army

has neither established a centralized Department of the Army diversity staff that reports directly to the Army Leadership nor consolidated the efforts of other assessments. It seems that the Army has done a good job in terms in creating the foundations for a comprehensive

diversity plan by establishing definitions and creating a vision but it has failed to follow

through by creating an executable plan designed to implement enduring change

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

Chapter Three: Methods

Social scientists can select from various research methodologies, including qualitative and quantitative paradigms (Neuman, 2008). On the one hand, qualitative methodologies such as reviews of the relevant literature, focus groups, participant-observations, structured and semi-structured interviews (Neuman, 2008). On the other hand, quantitative methods such as questionnaires and surveys are commonly used in quantitative research methods. While quantitative methods have long been regarded as the gold standard for social research purposes, there is a growing recognition that properly performed, qualitative research strategies also provide valuable insights that might not be otherwise discernible from a strictly quantitative analysis (Neuman, 2008). Therefore, this study used a qualitative document analysis research method to develop timely and informed answers to the above-stated research questions.

In addition, a qualitative methods approach was regarded as being highly appropriate for the intersectional analyses of these findings that were needed to develop informed answers to the study’s overarching purpose, as stated in the introductory chapter, since it provides a valuable lived experiences perspective. For instance, according to Feagin and Elias (2012), “An intersectional analysis is necessary for understanding the diverse experiences and power of different racial groups, including the effects of gender, class and other oppression/inequality within and among different groups of color” (p. 37). Likewise, Ender et al. (2015) emphasize that “It appears that racial and military affiliations combine to yield a unique perspective on war, adapting elements of both statuses [which] support the concept of intersectionality” (p. 231).

Research Design

According to Neuman (2008), a qualitative document analysis uses existing textual resources of various types that correspond to the research focus of interest. In addition, according to one social science researcher, “Document analysis is a form of qualitative research in which documents are interpreted by the researcher to give voice and meaning around an assessment topic” (Bowen, 2009, p. 27). This research design used a specific population and sample to develop informed and timely answers to the study’s guiding research questions which are described below.

Population and Sample

The population and sample of interest to this study consisted of the general American population and the percentages of African Americans in top commissioned officer leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces in recent years compared to the present. In addition, the DoD’s Office for Diversity, Equity and Inclusion also provides the following breakdown of occupations for current active duty African American officers in all service branches as set forth in Table 3 below.

Table 3

Occupations of African American Active Duty Male and Female Officers as of 2021

Officer occupation

Male

Female

Tactical operations officers

Health care officers

Supply, procurement &allied officers

Engineering & Maintenance officers

Administrators

Intelligence officers

Scientists and professionals

Non-occupational officers

General officers and executives

Measure

The documentary analysis that was applied to the literature review and other existing data that was used in this study followed the steps outlined by Caulfield (2008) concerning optimal strategies for analyzing qualitative data to identify key recurring themes using the data collection procedures which are described below.

Data Collection Procedures

The data used to develop informed and timely answers to the study’s above-mentioned research questions was collected from U.S. government Web sites, including the Departments of Defense and various military branches and archived documentary reports, analyses, white papers and so forth. Further, peer-reviewed and other scholarly sources were also reviewed and the most relevant data were collected for the thematic data analysis. In addition, recent mainstream media reports concerning the key issues of interest to this study were also incorporated into the thematic data analysis as described below.

Data Analysis

The data collected as described above were analyzed following the steps outlined by Caulfield (2008) concerning optimal strategies for coding qualitative data and identifying corresponding key themes. In this regard, Caulfield (2008) advises that, “Thematic analysis is a method of analyzing qualitative data [which] is usually applied to a set of texts. The researcher closely examines the data to identify common themes – topics, ideas and patterns of meaning that come up repeatedly” (para. 3). The discrete steps that were followed for this purpose are outlined in Table 4 below.

Table 4

Coding steps used to identify key themes in qualitative resources

Step

Description

Step 1: Familiarization

The first step is to get to know the collected data. It is important to get a thorough overview of all the data collected before analyzing individual items. This might involve transcribing audio, reading through the text and taking initial notes, and generally looking through the data to get familiar with it.

Step 2: Coding

The next step is coding the qualitative data. Coding means highlighting sections of the text – usually phrases or sentences – and coming up with shorthand labels or “codes” to describe their content. These codes allow researchers to gain a condensed overview of the main points and common meanings that recur throughout the data.

Step 3: Generating themes

Next, look over the created codes, identify patterns among them, and start coming up with themes. Themes are generally broader than codes. Most of the time, researchers will combine several codes into a single theme. At this stage, researches might decide that some of the codes are too vague or not relevant enough (for example, because they do not appear very often in the data), so they can be discarded. Other codes might become themes in their own right. Again, this decision will vary according to the research objective.

Step 4: Reviewing themes

This step is used to ensure that the themes are useful and accurate representations of the data. Here, researchers return to the data set and compare their themes against it to determine if they are missing anything and whether these themes are really present in the data.

Step 5: Defining and naming themes

The penultimate step involves naming and defining each the themes. Defining themes involves formulating exactly what is meant by each theme and determining how it helps understand the data.

Step 6: Writing up

The final step is writing up the analysis of the data.

The use of the above-described steps to the qualitative data collected for the literature review in chapter three above resulted in the key themes outlined below which were applied to the excerpted data in Table 2 above:

1. African Americans’ long history of military service has been used as a path towards gaining social equality

2. The modern military is fundamentally a meritocracy that defies overt racism

3. African Americans remain underrepresented in top commissioned leadership positions but positive changes are being made to address these disparities

4. Military service facilitates and encourages interracial understanding, appreciation and respect

Chapter Four: Results

As noted in chapter three above, although multiple themes and issues were identified during the literature review process, the key themes that emerged were as follows: