Engaging Difference The Khoisan Cultural Group

Introduction
There were many groups of people that lived around the South African shores and beyond, long before settlers set foot there. The people named the Khoisan were expert gatherers and hunters while other nomadic tribes also had made home, the coastal strip and the hinterland (Schapera, 1965). Khoisan is a name that was coined from combining the Khoikhoi and the San communities which shared their culture and language. However, it should not be construed that the two were, in any way, a homogenous group. Indeed, they lived separately from each other. They also had different means of survival on the land.
The Khoikhoi people were renowned pastoralists. They kept large cattle herds across the country that they occupied. It has been documented that the Khoikhoi migrated to South Africa from Botswana. Others are said to have moved to the Cape via the Kalahari. Another group headed towards the uplands of South Africa(McGranaghan, 2015; Russell, 2017). On their part, the San had large territories that are said to have spanned Namibia, Botswana, Zambia, Lesotho, South Africa and Zimbabwe. They are hunter gatherers who are regarded as the first community to have settled in Botswana and South Africa. The San were half nomadic. They seemed to only move when they could not find water and animals (McGranaghan, 2015).
The mid 1600s saw the arrival of Europeans and with them the unwanted turn of events for the Khoisan. The settlers laid claim to the land that the Khoisan used. Some settlers even built fences around pieces of land they claimed were theirs. A lot of the settlers persecuted the people they came in contact with on these lands directly. Factors such as the constriction of grazing lands, limited resourced, imported diseases, exploitation and numerous other conflicts impacted on the Khoi and the San a great deal. The population of the local communities declined drastically. The situation was, further, aggravated by the arrival Apartheid several years later. The Khoisan subsequently became endangered in South Africa. Another factor that affected the Khoisan is the change of climate at the time (Sadr, 1997; McGranaghan, 2015). This essay seeks to examine the Khoisan culture and deduce how modern government policy in South Africa affects them, with regard to the mainstream society.
Khoisan culture
The San are also known as the Bushmen. The term Khoisan is used to refer to the two communities, i. e the Khoikhoi and the Khoisan combined as thouth they were homogenous, and shared culture. The truth is that the two groups were culturally distinct. Historical accounts state that the Khoikhoi referred to themselves as the real people( Khoi-na) for purposes of distinguishing themselves from the likes of the San. The term Bushmen was first used by the colonialists. The latter group was much smaller in size and lived off the veld. They did not keep cattle but hunted and gathered fruits, honey, roots and tubers for survival (Brand, 2000). The Khoikhoi were expert herders. They kept large cattle herds and sheep. The group lived in large subgroups organized on the basis of clan system. They practiced exogamy; which involves choosing a partner for marriage from a group that one is not a member. Consequently, marriage served widely as a uniting social activity between groups that are different.
Among the San, people were regarded as equal. On the other hand, among the Khoikhoi, there were social hierarchies. Stock owners were viewed as wealthy people; those that had no stock were largely servants. There were also those who would provide hired labour in taking care of the cattle. A lamb was a common form of payment for the service of assisting the in the job of herding cattle for the wealthy stockers. The Khoikhoi social set up was such that it was organized based patrilineal clan. A headman’s authority was recognized by every village among them. The position of headman was passed on from a father to first born son. A tribe constituted several villages. The size of the tribe could be anything from a couple of hundreds to thousands of people (Brand, 2000)
Clans could access resources within their tribal area without restriction. If another tribe wanted to access such resources as fruit, vegetable or game, they had to b granted permission by the chief of the area. Predictably, water was highly important in the lives of the Khoikhoi people. I was, therefore understood that outsiders could be granted permission to use water if they sought permission from the local leader, the chief. The Khoikhoi culture was such the chief never owned any land or property on that land because it was law among the community that land could not be owned by individual people (Brand, 2000). It is also important to note that the rights to use the resources on the land were only granted temporarily.
The Khoikhoi relied heavily on cattle herding for their survival and culture, in general. They had an intricate social system with stringent rules with social authority that governed the life of each member of the community; including birth, puberty and adult life. Rituals were an important part of birth, death and marriage functions. Such tenets of the existence of the Khoikhoi were commonly misunderstood, especially by the early explorers and the colonial rulers. Fot the newcomers, they construed the intricate Khoikhoi culture to be a sign of savagery, and likened it to the life of animals.
The Khoisan lived in small villages which together formed a large settlement. They lived in groups of over a hundred people. They used a round hut for their house which they called matjioeshuis. The hut was made of branches of a tree that were planted into the ground. They were tied together carefully and bent over (Schapera, 1965). The roof was reinforces with other materials to reduce infiltration of direct wind and the elements. These structures could be uprooted and relocated depending on the availability of grazing pasture. The reed mats, which were the main materials added to the roof, could be removed, sometimes and folded. They did this when they knew that they would be back. The huts were cool in warm weather. The mats had spaces to allow free air circulation. In the winter, the inside of the huts would be insulated using skins.
Each camp of a village was made of a patrilineal clan. These were descendants of the same ancestor; with children and wives. The villages hosted members from other clans such as servants and dependants. Impoverished Khoisan, Bergdama or even the San(Sadr, 1997). They had a leadership system which made sure that ach village was led by a headman. The post was hereditary; in which case, the eldest son is always inherited it from the father. The headmen were in charge of the community’s future. They decided where to move and when to do so. The headman played a mediation role and acted as judges in both civil and criminal cases. The tribe was a combination of several villages. The tribe was founded on kinship. The clans that made up the tribe were linked in their genealogy. One of the clans would be recognized as the senior-most. The senior clan produced the tribe’s chief (Schapera, 1965). The key water wells defined the territory that a tribe laid claim to. There were precise geographical boundaries. It is the water resources that defined the boundaries.The chiefs only could allow strangers to access the resources. When outsiders were granted some rights, the rights were only temporary. It was understood that if a tribe shared their resources at some point, it would later need the other tribe when it was endowed with resources that they didn’t have.
When a man wanted to marry, he would seek a wife from another clan. It is thought that men commonly found wives from within the tribe since related clans from within one’s tribe were close, geographically. Marriage served to unite groups. The man had to live with the in-laws in the early days of their marriage until they had their first child. The bride, was thereafter, expected to move to the home of the groom (Schapera, 1965; Sadr, 1997). The headmen from all the clans constituted the council. The council was a uniting entity among the clans. Older members of the tribes would live at the tribal headquarters of the senior clan permanently as a sign of knitting the tribes together.
Khoisan Religious Belief
The Khoisan also had an intricate belief system in which there was the usual drama of the world leading to good things, evil and ambiguous happenings. They had a supreme God who the called Tsui or Goab. The God was an omni-present beneficent and all powerful (Chidester et al., 1997). While it is possible for the supreme God to unleash his wrath on man, He is in a constant duel with Guanab, which is believed to be the god of evil and other negative tendencies and happenings. The Khoikhoi accessed their God; Tsui/Goab via the ancestors. Other gods that are not as important include Haitsi-aibib; believed to be a trickster god and a hero of the folk that could change form as he pleased.
The Khoisan, just like many other tribes in the dry climate regions of Africa, the Lhoisan associated rainfall with God and heavenly power (Barnard, 1988). The full and new moon was a time for major rituals among the Khoisan tribe. They included rites for rainmaking and a carnival dancing occasion. They regarded the moon with reverence and regarded it to be a supreme power.
Rituals
The concept of transformation was a central theme in the rituals performed by the Khoisan. A lot of the rituals signified important moments of change among the people at individual level. They marked birth, marriage, death, puberty and adulthood. The rituals were part of the Khoisans social set up. Many rituals that were performed during ceremonies such as during the birth of a child were, indeed, replicated in many other occasions. Before a woman gave birth, she was taken into isolation until 7 days after she delivered. It was believed that a new-born and its mother were vulnerable, hence the protective measures. Men were not allowed to visit. The new mother was barred from admitting anyone for visits during the isolation period. The child’s main meal for the first three months was goat milk or cow milk. The child was not breast feed(Hobson, 2018). The hut that hosted the new mother had a special fire lit in it. After the seclusion period, mother and child were formally reintroduced into the community with pomp and color. They had their bodies smeared with cow-dung, a fragrant plant called Buchu, and animal fat. A feast was held with members of the kraal taking the leading role and relatives from kraals elsewhere took part.
All ceremonies of the Khoisan involved a period in which one had to be secluded because they were perceived to be vulnerable. Certain things such as water were avoided. Buchu and fire were connected with protection. There was a meticulous process to reincorporate the mother and the child back into the mainstream society as people with a distinct role to play (Smith, 2000). Traditionally, domestic stock was linked to protection. During initiation, cattle were killed and the animal intestines were cut and hung round the necks of the persons in question to demonstrate that they were being taken through a period of change.
The rituals that were performed always symbolized an element of social relationships among the Khoisan. The rich stock owners used the occasions to showcase their wealth by virtue of the many cattle slaughtered during the functions and the feasts they held. There was dowry payment when marriage was conducted (McGranaghan, 2015). Since transition rituals were considered highly important, age was regarded an important determinant of social relationships. The kinship titles and names used among the Khoisan also reflect such status. There were terms for various age groups. They also had special terms for aunts who were older than the mother.
Learning the important of cattle mong the Khoisan helps to also understand their socio-political setup and how they viewed the world. They never considered cattle as commodities that could be exchanged in trade. Cattle were invaluable (Russell, 2017). The moment the Khoisan began trading in their stocks, there was a conflict with the Dutch trading partners. Vices such as coercion, theft and loss in exchange for such items as copper, livestock, alcohol and beads became commonplace. The socio-economic and cultural values and fabric of the Khoisan became weakened. With the decline came a rise in dependency. They became overly reliant on the Dutch to mediate disputes and increase in the raiding trends among the Khoisan people.
Mainstream South Africa; the Inclusion and exclusion policies
The whole South African history covering what is now known as South Africa to what the imperialists occupied at the Cape, representations of the locals has been used to oppress them. The Khoikhoi were depicted as savages and wild in the 17th C. The imperialists claimed that the Khoikhoi were the immediate link between humans and the ape. They were depicted to be cannibals and portrayed to eat raw flesh. They were also said to have diminutive women that had large hanging breasts. Their language was used to further demean them. The language came with clicks that the imperialists thought was bestial.
1. Democracy
Although they are, widely, accepted as South Africa’s first people, the Khoisan is arguably, the most neglected and forgotten community. It had been thought that the advent of democracy would help the Khoisan to rise above the life they are leading, leaders say hat that dream has never come to pass(Lee, 2003). The Land Restriction Act that was aimed at restoring parity and helping locals to reclaim their lost land only dated back to 1913. The date was several decades after the white settlers had occupied the lands that were originally owned by the Khoisan. Any Khoisans that managed to retain their land cannot maintain it. Few resources are being directed by the government to try and improve the lives of the people in the remote South African regions occupied by the Khoisan.
1. Socio-economic situation
As it were, the Khoisan are not a homogenous group. They speak different languages and carry out and different cultural practices. They also have varying levels of economic progress among them. The San and the Nama are regarded as the poorest groups among the Khoisan and South Africa. They have been branded as the rural poor by those who dominate the economy. Many Khoisans are deployed as manual labourers and herders of sheep with no tenure rights and security in their terms of work. They are poorly paid in the seasonal wage deployments. The youth, women and children are especially vulnerable and are subject to violence, discrimination, drug abuse, suicide, alcoholism and prostitution. The most worrying trend for the women of Khoisan descent is the rising level of violence against them and their children and youth using weapons (Maylam, 2017; McGranaghan, 2015).
The Khoisan are concerned further that the affirmative action in the legislation does not seem to capture the Khoisan women in matters of equity and employment. It is reasonable, therefore, that the Khoisan, are considered among the Coloured people, even though the Khoisan people do not consider themselves as such. Issues have been raised regarding the practical use of the affirmative action at the places of work (Maylam, 2017). It has been argued by some that it is only the dominant black groups and the politically right that benefit from the affirmative action in terms of employment opportunities.
1. The coat of arms reflects their existence but their language is ignored at national level
Although the new coat of arms recognizes the Khoisan, the community’s leaders claim that the government has consistently ignored them. It is rare for the political leaders to have meetings to discuss issues with eh Khoisan leaders. The Khoisan languages are not among the 11 official languages of South Africa (Adhikari, 2005). The languages spoken by the Khoisan are recognized as some of the most complex, globally. The decline of their socio-cultural strength may be signalling the death of these languages.
1. The death of a culture
The Khoian are fighting to maintain their traditional fabric. The hunter gatherer lifestyle is clearly ebbing away. Most of the Khoisan have resorted to adopting the modern lifestyle. Many have chosen to engage in agricultural activities. Their hunting and gathering skills are disappearing (Hobson, 2018). Other causes for such decline are the legislation in some of the countries where they once hunted freely. They are prevented from doing so by law. Modern western culture has diluted the industrious and creative arts of jewellery, cloth and weapon making.
1. The protest before the government
Some Khoisan representatives from across the country has come to protest before the authorities in Pretoria because of the continued neglect their communities experience since the advent of the so called democracy. The group claims that he bill in line for enactment, i.e. the Traditional Leaders and Khoisan Bill is a racist one. They say it bears several innuendos from the apartheid-time definitions and organization (Maylam, 2017; Hobson, 2018).
The protesters are charged. They say that they are prepared to die for the cause. They state that if the government does not listen to their concerns, they will take up arms (Smith, 2010). It remains to be seen whether the government will listen to the concerns of the Khoisan people. What is clear to all and sundry is that the community has been largely neglected and even persecuted in large numbers by Independent South African government.
Conclusion
The Khoisan people are distinguished aboriginals that survived apartheid and colonialism. They also resisted the assimilation of their culture and identity. The life they led can be seen in the various challenges that they face today. Their land rights are not recognized. Their languages are ignored and now, are headed to extinction. They now have to contend with drug abuse, violence and problems to do with alcohol in their midst.