This paper surveys a broad range of empirical research examining the influences that shape adolescent behavior, cognition, and adjustment. It covers the neurological effects of violent video games on teenage brains, the role of peer groups in promoting aggression, smoking, and academic development, and the impact of parenting styles on impulsivity, alcohol use, sexual risk-taking, and life satisfaction. Additional topics include the behavioral consequences of pubertal timing, genetic and environmental contributions to academic achievement, maternal mental health effects on children, the relationship between perceived weight and suicide risk, and adolescents' evolving understanding of Internet safety. Together, these studies illuminate the complex, interlocking influences that educators, parents, and policymakers must understand to support healthy adolescent development.
The paper demonstrates effective multi-source synthesis. Rather than summarizing each study in isolation, the writer connects findings across sections — for example, linking pubertal timing to peer group dynamics, or tying parental monitoring back to STD rates among detained adolescents. This technique shows how separate bodies of research converge on a unified argument about the complexity of adolescent influence.
The paper is organized thematically rather than chronologically. Each major section introduces a distinct category of influence (media, peers, puberty, genetics, parenting, body image, technology), reviews the relevant study or studies, and closes with implications for educators or parents. This modular structure makes the paper easy to navigate and allows each section to stand on its own while contributing to the cumulative argument.
While violent images and actions in video games — which many boys play, some obsessively and addictively — have been discussed as having a potentially negative influence on adolescents, in-depth empirical research on the subject had, until recently, not been widely published. Dr. Vincent P. Matthews, professor of radiology at a university in Indianapolis, released the results of his groundbreaking study on how violent video games influence youthful users at the annual meeting of the Radiological Society of North America in November 2006.
Matthews' brain-imaging study — reportedly the first of its kind — revealed that "teenagers who played a violent video game exhibited increased activity in a part of the brain that governs emotional arousal" (Springen, 2006). An article in Newsweek reports that Matthews "randomly assigned 44 physically and psychologically normal 13–17-year-old boys and girls (with boys outnumbering girls two-to-one)" to two separate groups. One group interacted with a violent video game called Medal of Honor: Frontline for half an hour; the second group played a nonviolent video game involving a car chase — Need for Speed — also for half an hour. While the teens were playing, researchers used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) technology to examine their brain activity closely.
When asked whether violent video games make teens "more likely to commit violent acts," Dr. Matthews said that would be "speculation"; however, he stated that "adolescents and young adults" who play violent video games "show increased aggressive behavior." Matthews added that in just 30 minutes, teens playing violent video games experience an "emotional arousal," and that parents should be aware of "at least short-term effects" on the brain, with the possibility that repeated episodes could "result in longer-term changes." This is a particular concern for children whose parents allow them to play for "hours and hours."
Matthews' empirical findings from the children playing the violent video game "showed more activation in the amygdalae" — the part of the brain involved in emotional arousal — and "less in the prefrontal portions of the brain associated with control, focus, and concentration" (American School Board Journal, 2007).
There has been considerable concern about how violent media — especially violent video games — influences adolescent behavior. Nine states have passed laws "that make it a crime to give violent games to minors" (Decker, 2007). Another state, Utah, was at the time of writing poised to become the tenth, with legislation (HB 50, "Material Harmful to Minors Amendment") put forward by Representative Scott Wyatt that would make it unlawful to "sell, rent or give video games portraying 'inappropriate violence' to anyone under 18" (Warchol, 2007).
The word "inappropriate" is defined by the legislator as any violent game that appeals to the "morbid interest of minors; is patently offensive; and has no literary, artistic, political or scientific value." Many similar bills have reportedly failed to pass because they are seen as restricting free speech.
Matthew Anderson, representing the Entertainment Software Association, told the Utah Legislature that while Wyatt's bill is well-meaning, his statistics show that "eighty-three percent of the time parents are involved with the purchase of video games, and 89% of parents" claim they do monitor what video games their children play (Johnson, 2007). Meanwhile, the Entertainment Software Rating Board (ESRB) assigns six ratings for parents: "E" (everyone); "EC" (early childhood); "E10+" (everyone over 10 years); "T" (teens 13 and older); "M" (mature audiences 17 and older); and "AO" (equivalent of an X-rated film). But in reality, not all parents use these ratings consistently when purchasing games. Connie Brandt of Redwood City, California, told journalist Kalning that "it's pointless" to try to keep M-rated video games from her 15-year-old son Raymond: "Even if I stopped him from buying certain games, he'd still find a way to play them" (Kalning, 2006).
A research article published in the journal Child Development (Espelage, et al., 2003) examines the "broader social context" of peer group pressure and aggressive behaviors such as bullying, taking research beyond concepts like "popularity" and "friendship." The study "systematically examined" the influences on middle school students that result from membership in aggressive peer groups, specifically looking into "social networks" to determine how "peer-group membership relates to aggression."
The researchers surveyed 422 middle school students "in a Midwestern town" (93% Caucasian, 1% African American, 2% biracial, 4% other ethnicities) across two sessions of 45 minutes each, in groups ranging from 7 to 15 students. Participants were assured confidentiality and told there would be a drawing for a $10 gift certificate in each session. The survey consisted of three sections: demographic questions, bullying and fighting scales, and peer-nomination tasks. In the bullying section, students were asked to list up to three students who "often tease other students."
The study verified the concept of homophily ("within-group similarity") within adolescent peer groups with respect to delinquency and aggression, and was the first to "systematically evaluate this hypothesis as it pertains to subtypes of aggression (bullying and fighting behavior)" among adolescent peer groups. Key findings include: (a) students affiliate with individuals "who bully and fight at the same frequency," not just on certain occasions; (b) peer influence "differs across subtypes of aggression"; (c) males self-reported more bullying and fighting than females; and (d) "peers — not the victim or bully — were involved in an astounding 85% of bully episodes," acting as active participants 30% of the time, passive observers 23% of the time, and intervening only 12% of the time.
In the Journal of Secondary Gifted Education (Lee, 2002), a study examined the influence adolescent peer relations may have — positively or negatively — on the "development of academic and creative talents." The research followed a talented 12-year-old named Chris and five of his peers, focusing on four areas: competition, support, motivation, and role modeling. Chris played classical guitar, was a talented artist and hockey player, and scored in the 99th percentile on the math portion of a nationally standardized achievement test. He selected five peers — four boys and a girl — as his closest friends. The girl was considered an intellectual peer; three of the boys were athletic peers; and the fourth was a musical and artistic peer.
Using semi-structured interviews, observations, and document review, Lee found that through peer interactions, gifted student Chris developed "future aspirations" alongside present academic and creative talent. While parents are typically the first phase of learning in a gifted student's development, this research highlights the enormous influence of peers in the second phase. It was Chris's peers — not his parents or teachers — who introduced him to roller hockey and classical guitar. Lee's research concluded that "adolescents develop their occupational identities through their interactions with significant peers after comparing themselves to the peer group." For talented adolescents, peers have a significant influence on motivation, talent development, and achievement.
Kimberly Kobus, PhD, has written a research piece, "Peers and Adolescent Smoking," that examines the processes of influence regarding adolescent smoking. Her data, published in the Society for the Study of Addiction to Alcohol and Other Drugs (Kobus, 2003), reflect the fact that more than a third of high school students smoke at least once a month, and that by the age of 18, about two-thirds of teenagers have smoked at least occasionally. The key years during which experimentation occurs are between 13 and 16.
Kobus discusses the influences that initiate adolescent smoking from several theoretical perspectives. First, social learning theory holds that relationships that are "more intimate" and formed "earlier in the youth's experiences" are thought to be more important, and that youths are more likely to "imitate the smoking habits" — or non-smoking habits — of those with whom they have the closest and most frequent contact. Second, primary socialization theory considers influences of the family, schools, and peer clusters, as well as an adolescent's "individual personality traits" like self-esteem, anxiety, "sensation seeking and psychopathology" that are "direct influences on drug use and deviance." When the bonds a youth has with family and school are "weak," the role of peer clusters is "heightened"; if the individual also has low self-esteem, the peer cluster plays an even more powerful influential role.
The third framework is social identity theory: an adolescent's self-concept combines two self-images — "I am a smoker" and "I belong to the smoking group." When personal identity is salient, the norms of the social group matter less; but when social identity is stronger, the adolescent will act in concert with the peer group. The fourth theory, social network theory, notes that individuals who are central or "highly connected" members of a peer group are not always the most influential. When the issue is "non-controversial," the central person may have great influence; but when it is controversial, the "marginal individual" often carries more weight. In summary, Kobus explains that teenagers do not always feel "direct pressure" from their peers to smoke; rather, they experience a "self-pressure to smoke if others around them do."
The authors of a study in the Journal of Youth and Adolescence (Dorn, et al., 2003) explain that two hypotheses have long dominated the literature on how pubertal timing affects adolescent adjustment. The first, the maturational deviance hypothesis, asserts that an adolescent experiences stress and adjustment problems when puberty is "off-time" — either early or late — because social support from peers is "less available." The second, the early-maturational or early timing hypothesis, posits that early arrival is a particular disadvantage for girls because "the opportunity was passed for completion of normal developmental tasks of middle childhood." Additionally, when boys or girls develop earlier, they face "greater pressure" because they appear more mature physically and are therefore categorized as older and expected to behave in more adult-like ways for which they are not yet ready. Early puberty thus exerts strong influence on behavior, since it creates pressure to associate with older, more mature peer groups.
Early-maturing boys are "more likely to participate in antisocial or deviant behavior," the authors note, while late-maturing girls tend to have "more positive outcomes" because they are more emotionally prepared. The study involved 52 girls (ages 9–14) and 56 boys (ages 10–15) from mostly upper-middle-class Caucasian families, across five stages of pubertal development. Blood sampling monitored hormonal levels, and parents participated in behavioral assessments. Results showed that "pubertal timing was a significant statistical predictor of self-image and behavior problems" in most instances. Notably, "it was always later-maturing adolescents who had more negative self-image or more behavior problems." In particular, later puberty timing in boys was associated with "more negative behavior" than in girls.
American School Board Journal. (2007). Violent video games poison the teenage brain: Study. National School Boards Association.
Crosby, Richard; Voisin, Dexter; Salazar, Laura F.; DiClemente, Ralph J.; Yarber, William L.; & Caliendo, Angela M. (2006). Family influences and biologically confirmed sexually transmitted infections among detained adolescents. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 76(3), 389–394.
Decker, Rod. (2007). Do violent video games make kids violent people? KUTV. Retrieved 25 Jan. 2007 at http://kutv.com.
Dorn, Lorah D.; Susman, Elizabeth J.; & Ponirakis, Angelo. (2003). Pubertal timing and adolescent adjustment and behavior: Conclusions vary by rater. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 32(3), 157–167.
Espelage, Dorothy L.; Holt, Melissa K.; & Henkel, Rachael R. (2003). Examination of peer-group contextual effects on aggression during early adolescence. Child Development.
Fromme, Kim. (2006). Parenting and other influences on the alcohol use and emotional adjustment of children, adolescents, and emerging adults. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 20(2), 138–139.
Johnson, Nathan. (2007). Bill would ban violent video games played by children. Daily Herald. Retrieved 25 Jan. 2007 at http://www.heraldextra.com.
Johnson, Wendy; McGue, Matt; & Iacono, William G. (2006). Genetic and environmental influences on academic achievement trajectories during adolescence. Developmental Psychology, 42(3), 514–532.
Jones, Rachel K.; Singh, Susheela; & Purcell, Alison. (2005). Parent-child relations among minor females attending U.S. family planning clinics. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 37(4), 192–201.
Kalning, Kristin. (2006). Is that shooter suitable for junior? MSNBC. Retrieved 24 Jan. 2007 at http://www.msnbc.com.
Kobus, Kimberly. (2003). Peers and adolescent smoking. Society for the Study of Addiction to Alcohol and Other Drugs, 98(1), 37–55.
Lee, Seon-Young. (2002). The effects of peers on the academic and creative talent development of a gifted adolescent male. The Journal of Secondary Gifted Education.
Mowbray, Carol T.; Lewandowski, Lisa; Bybee, Deborah; & Oyserman, Daphna. (2005). Relationship between maternal clinical factors and mother-reported child problems. Community Mental Health Journal, 41(6), 687–702.
O'Donnell, Lydia; Stueve, Ann; Wilson-Simmons, Renee; Dash, Kim; Agronick, Gail; & Jean-Baptiste, Varzi. (2006). Heterosexual risk behaviors among urban young adolescents. Journal of Early Adolescence, 26(1), 87–109.
Pardini, Dustin A.; Loeber, Rolf; & Stouthamer-Loeber, Magda. (2005). Developmental shifts in parent and peer influences on boys' beliefs about delinquent behavior. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 15(3), 299–323.
Springen, Karen. (2006). Teen brains changed by violent video games. Newsweek. Retrieved 26 Jan. 2007 at http://www.msnbc.com.
Suldo, Shannon M.; & Huebner, Scott. (2004). The role of life satisfaction in the relationship between authoritative parenting dimensions and adolescent problem behavior. Social Indicators Research, 66, 165–195.
Warchol, Glen. (2007). Bill would prohibit violent games for kids. The Salt Lake Tribune. Retrieved 26 Jan. 2007 at http://www.sltrib.com.
Whetstone, Lauren M.; Morrissey, Susan L.; & Cummings, Doyle M. (2007). Children at risk: The association between perceived weight status and suicidal thoughts and attempts in middle school youth. Journal of School Health, 77(2), 59–66.
Wilder, Ester I.; & Watt, Toni Terling. (2002). Risky parental behavior and adolescent sexual activity at first coitus. The Milbank Quarterly, 80(3), 481–524.
Yan, Zheng. (2006). What influences children's and adolescents' understanding of the complexity of the Internet? Developmental Psychology, 42(3), 418–428.
Always verify citation format against your institution’s current style guide requirements.