South Bronx 161st Street Corridor: History and Community

Introduction

Although billions of people have lived, worked, or visited the community over the past 100 years, few people today may realize the historic significance of the neighborhood located in and around the 161st Street region of the Bronx. Beginning with a series of Works Progress Administration (WPA) projects in the 1920s — including the Bronx County Building, the Concourse Plaza Hotel, and most especially the world-famous Yankee Stadium — this neighborhood has grown to include a busy subway station and upscale retail shopping facilities.

To gain new insights into the history and current status of this historic neighborhood, this paper reviews the relevant secondary literature to provide background on the neighborhood, its location, and a description of the people who live and work there. A description of the activities available in this neighborhood is followed by a discussion of the primary issue of interest and the methodology used to collect primary data to supplement the secondary resources. Finally, an analysis of the secondary and primary data is followed by a summary of the research and important findings in the conclusion.

Background and Location of the Neighborhood

The neighborhood of interest dates to the 1840s, but it became an especially important part of the Bronx community during the early 1920s as a result of a series of WPA projects that transformed it into a popular destination for millions of New York residents and visitors. In 1922, the WPA completed work on the Bronx County Building, and construction commenced on Yankee Stadium — the largest stadium of its era — and the Concourse Plaza Hotel (Federal Writers' Project, 1939). According to one Bronx historian, "From its conception, the hotel was a great cause within the borough's business circles, proof of the county's new maturity and stature" (Jonnes, 2002, p. 137).

The 161st Street neighborhood is demarcated on the east by Jerome Avenue and on the west by Elton Avenue. The South Bronx 161st Street Corridor also includes the Gateway Center at Bronx Terminal Market, the Bronx Civic Center, and the Melrose Commons/Third Avenue business districts (South Bronx 161st Street Corridor, 2011).

Demographics: Who Lives and Works Here

In 2010, New York City rezoned the 161st Street/River Avenue corridor to permit the construction of mixed-use buildings up to 30 stories in height, incorporating an inclusionary housing bonus sponsored by the city. At present, approximately 61,171 people live within a 0.5-mile radius and approximately 200,675 people live within a 1-mile radius (South Bronx 161st Street Corridor, 2011).

Despite the South Bronx Initiative, there remains a paucity of new developmental activity in the neighborhood (Hylton, 2016). There are a few comparatively large multi-family residential buildings available, including a 134-unit building across the street from Yankee Stadium that replaced a bowling alley (Hylton, 2016), as well as a large 9-story apartment building located at 406 E. 161st Street that contains 88 apartments (406 E. 161st Street, 2016). That building is geographically proximate to Yankee Stadium, the Grand Concourse, the O'Neil Triangle, and George Meade Plaza (406 E. 161st Street, 2016). In addition, the Boricua Village contains 689 units of mixed-income housing (South Bronx 161st Street Corridor, 2011).

The average household income is $37,290 within a 0.5-mile radius and $35,728 within a 1-mile radius (South Bronx 161st Street Corridor, 2011), compared to a national average household income of $51,939 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016). Approximately 42,209 people work in the 102 Class A, B, and C office buildings situated within the corridor (South Bronx 161st Street Corridor, 2011).

Methodology

This study used a grounded/inductive theoretical approach. According to Neuman (2003), grounded theory is a methodology that relies on the observation of "specific, concrete details" (p. 536), while an inductive approach is one "in which one begins with concrete empirical details, then works towards abstract ideas or general principles" (p. 537). This methodology requires approaching an issue of interest without preconceived hypotheses; main themes become evident only as the data-gathering process proceeds through the use of secondary resources together with observation/participant observation and interviewing.

There are a number of benefits to using a qualitative observation/participant observation methodology, most especially its ability to provide social researchers with the empirical data needed to formulate new insights concerning the lived experiences of others. Takyi (2015) reports that "participant observation allows the researcher to study people in their native environment, thereby offering the opportunity to understand things from the perspective of the people being studied" (p. 865).

Lofland and Lofland similarly note that, to collect the richest possible qualitative data concerning a site of interest, researchers must "take the role of the other" in order to "acquire social knowledge" (p. 16). In this context, observing others involves "looking and listening" and "watching and asking" (Lofland & Lofland, p. 19). Low (1999) also cites the need for social researchers to use a participant observation strategy in order to "uncover and explain the adaptations and accommodations of urban populations to [their] microenvironments" (p. 2).

All observations were conducted in an open setting at the entrance to the 161st Street–Yankee Stadium subway station complex, chosen because of the high volume of foot traffic the area experiences each day. Observations were made over five days (Monday through Friday), beginning at 11:00 a.m. and ending at 2:00 p.m. each day, as this three-hour window represents a peak travel period.

The researcher was identified by a large button that read "[Student] Researcher." A total of 15 hours of observations were completed over the five-day period. Observations were recorded on a clipboard using a proforma spreadsheet with columns for observed behaviors such as laughing, joking, arguing, fighting, and public displays of affection (PDAs), as well as aberrant behaviors (e.g., talking or yelling to oneself, criminal activities). It is important to note that while it is possible to observe and record these types of behaviors, it is not possible to discern the emotional processes behind them without additional research such as interviewing (Lofland & Lofland).

This study also used a semi-structured interviewing approach to collect primary data, based on its ability to probe for additional information from respondents. Klandermans and Staggenborg (2002) advise that "in a semi-structured interview the interviewer relies on an interview guide that includes a consistent set of questions or topics, but the interviewer is allowed more flexibility to digress and to probe based on interactions during the interview" (p. 92). This strategy is also consistent with Horowitz's guidance concerning the need to interact differently with various community members depending on the researcher's personal characteristics and the characteristics of the individuals of interest.

A series of semi-structured questions was used to collect interview data, and all interviewees provided consent prior to the start of each interview. The researcher explained the purpose of the study, informed participants that they could withdraw at any point without repercussions, and clarified that results would be used for academic purposes only.

The semi-structured interviews varied in length from 10 seconds to 3 minutes depending on the responsiveness of the interviewees to follow-up questions. In total, 13 people were interviewed over the five-day period. A convenience sampling strategy was used, with no inclusion or exclusion criteria beyond the apparent age of the potential interviewee being clearly over 21 years.

The absolute space observed at the site comprised the cross streets, Yankee Stadium, and the subway complex, while the relative space extended into the high-rise buildings surrounding the site as well as the subterranean facilities throughout the community (Harvey, 2006). The overarching observation over the course of 15 hours was that virtually everyone appeared to be in a hurry to get somewhere else, and few people were smiling. No aberrant behaviors were observed, but there were three relatively mild arguments between couples (two heterosexual and one same-sex couple), and several people were observed talking to themselves. No one was observed laughing or joking, but several PDAs in the form of hand-holding and kissing were observed outside the subway entrance.

The semi-structured interviews consisted of the following questions, with follow-up questions and summarized responses presented in Table 1 below.

Table 1: Summary of Semi-Structured Interviews

Conclusion

The research showed that nearly a quarter-million people live and work in the South Bronx 161st Street Corridor, and millions more visit the community each year. The research also showed that the average household income for residents of this neighborhood is substantially lower than the national average; nevertheless, residents enjoy the benefits of living in a truly historic community that features Yankee Stadium, ready access to a major public transportation hub, and numerous shopping and dining options. Observed behaviors were consistent with what could reasonably be expected in any high-traffic urban area, and the results of the semi-structured interviews showed that most people feel safe in this community. A majority of interviewees agreed that, notwithstanding its positive attributes, the neighborhood is disadvantaged by a lack of parking and relatively high living costs compared to household incomes.