Presidentialism
Lijphart, a. (1991). Constitutional choices for new democracies. Journal of Democracy 2(1): 72-84.
In "Constitutional Choices for New Democracies," Lijphart argues that the parliamentary/proportional representational model offers clear advantages over the alternatives available to architects of a democratic system of government. The "architects of new democratic constitutions" should take into consideration variables like ethnic minority representation and the need for reductions in unemployment when crafting their political policies (Lijphart, 1991, p. 72). With regards to most of the meaningful variables impacting developing nations or those in need of dramatic political restructuring, the author argues that "the combination of parliamentarism with proportional representation should be an especially attractive one," (Lijphart, 1991, p. 72).
To prove the point, the author provides a great degree of theoretical background and uses ample examples. The author points out the importance of electoral procedures and how they affect proportional representation in government. Moreover, the author points out key biases that stem from rigid frames of reference. For example, the author speaks...
77). The only glaring weaknesses with the Lijphardt (1991) study are its lack of experimental data collection or research methodologies. The author relies heavily on conjecture and example. Moreover, Lijphardt (1991) makes generalizations about nations that either are or will be anachronistic.
In spite of these weaknesses, the Lijphardt (1991) study is valuable in pointing out the general reasons why a parliamentary system may be superior for many situations. Especially situations in which a nation-state comprises multiple ethnic groups, and needs to ensure income equity, a proportional representation and parliamentary system would work well. A government characterized by a proportional representation of the populace in government will facilitate minority representation, allow for greater participation of women, and also foster greater overall voter participation. After all, Lijphardt (1991) points out that parliamentary systems with proportional representation also boast the highest voter turnouts.
Gerring, J., Thacker, S.C., & Morena, C.…
Politics Although it is not perfect, the presidential system of government, as typified by the United States (U.S.) is the best system of government ever conceived. By creating a system where the public can remove administrations, without changing the legal basis for government, democracy aims at reducing political uncertainty and instability, and assuring citizens that however much they may disagree with present policies, they will be given a regular chance
Democracy In a fair and free election, the resultant outcome comes from the majority ruling of votes. In an ideal democratic environment, such votes are the consequence of all participant voters -- the legitimate populace as allowed for such voting -- and thus officials are elected in service of the majority of the peoples. However, this utopic democracy is limited in that not all participant voters are knowledgeable in decisions affecting
Political Parties and Democracy A central claim of democratic theory is that democracy induces governments to be responsive to the preferences of the people. Political parties serve to organize politics in almost every modern democracy in the world (in both presidential and parliamentary systems). Some observers claim that the parties are what induce democracies to be responsive. In this essay, the author will show this point of democracy being dependent upon
Institutions are defined as the existence of formal rules, on the one hand, and informal conventions and norms (such as impolitic societal rules that constrain behavior and impose forms of conduct) on the other. A system of enforcement structures are set in place to ensure that society abides to both and the strength of that enforcement system generally determines the extent to which individuals of a particular society will
In an unprecedented move, Khrushchev denounced many of Stalin's excesses and set about changing Soviet policy towards the developing world. This change, some call it flexibility, was the branch the Soviets offered to developing countries, like Cuba. Looking around and seeing the alienated or disenfranchized, Khrushchev felt the time was right to solidify alliances with anticolonialists in Ghana, the Congo, and especially, Cuba (Hopf). After the Bay of Pigs fiasco,