Socio-Economic Changes in the Institution

¶ … Socio-Economic Changes in the Institution of Marriage Because marriage touches upon so many emotional issues on a personal level, it is a particularly 'hot' topic of social controversy. However, much as it is tempting to believe that marriage as we know it has always existed in its current form, this is not the case. Cohabitation, according to Kathleen Kieman's study of European marital and cohabitation habits, is a fairly long-standing institution and has existed covertly or overtly for centuries.

Often, working-class couples would have what might today be called 'common law' marriages, or marriages in which they would live together as man and wife, but not be formally united (Kieman 2004: 67). Rates of cohabitation are difficult to measure in the past, given the social stigma attached to open, middle-class 'living together' during the first half of the 20th century.

However, it is clear that amongst younger women and men, admitted cohabitation is on the rise, and has become a de facto gateway to marriage for many young people in Europe and the Americas. This new trend towards open, as opposed to covert cohabitation, is changing the way that courtship, coupledom, and child-bearing are viewed across the world. Views of cohabitation still do vary considerably from culture to culture -- in Southern Europe, marriage is the preferred route of entry into partnership, while in the U.S.

And Northern Europe, cohabitation is more common (Kieman 2004: 67). In Denmark, Sweden, and the Netherlands, cohabitation is even more common than in the Unites States; in Greece and Portugal, marriage is more common than in Italy and Spain (Kieman 2004: 73). However, some trends are cross-cultural -- Greece was the only nation with an out-of-wedlock birth rate of less than 10%, given the extent to which the practice of cohabitation has become normalized.

Along the same lines of Kieman's, Judith Seltzer's study of cohabitation in the modern world likewise stresses how socially 'shaped' and contextual perspectives upon the practice have changed over time, gradually normalizing how cohabitation is viewed. She too sees a trend towards acceptance, although not a universally welcoming one. For example, within Latin America, cohabitating couples and out-of-wedlock births have formal, legal rights, while in the U.S., legal structures still show a strong preference for marriage.

But even when there is less social and legal approval, overall, internationally, there is a trend in favor of the escalation of out-of-wedlock births. These behaviors are less and less considered 'deviant' trends and it is accepted that not every couple will naturally proceed from their parent's homes to marriage, with no experimentation.

In the modern world, marriage itself is not seen as a permanent institution, as the ability to sever it through legal means -- divorce -- is no longer seen as a shameful practice to be avoided, but something undertaken when necessary, simply when a couple does not get along (Seltzer 2000: 1249). Younger adults frequently say that they would advise cohabitation as a practice to a friend contemplating marriage, as a kind of a 'test case' scenario (Seltzer 2000: 1249).

Seltzer, writing in 2000, suggests that trends favoring cohabitation have shown a strikingly sharp incline upward, going from 30% of women aged 19 to 23 in the 1980s, to nearly 40% in 1994. However, another cultural pattern is manifest, writes Seltzer, one which views cohabitation not merely as a transitional period, but as an actual phase in which it is acceptable to raise children. The percentage of unmarried parents increased to nearly 1/3 rd in 1997, up from merely 18% in 1980 and the number of cohabitating couples giving birth rose nearly 25% from 1980 to the 1990s (Seltzer 2000: 1251).

These trends, of course, have been viewed with alarm by many conservatives. But contrary to the perception that out-of-wedlock births inevitably lead to less stable unions, evidence suggests that once again, this is largely culturally and contextually-dependent. In Seltzer's study, Great Britain and in the U.S., cohabitation was linked to a less stable marriage, while in France it was not (Seltzer 2000: 1251). Her research supports the notion that cohabitation in and of itself does not lead to marital instability, but rather it depends upon the demographic profile of the couple.

Couples within more socially-conservative nations may be more inclined to have liberal views of marriage. Their less conventional relationships are not supported institutionally or by their families, thus leading to greater instability. In France, such behaviors are expected. Cohabitating couples make up much wider demographic and may likely embrace positive attitudes towards marriage, even though they have not yet committed to the practice.

The implication, according to Seltzer, that if approving cultural trends continue to rise in favor of cohabitation, then divorce rates of cohabitating couples will begin to level out in all nations. However, this is not supported.