Sex Offenders and Internet Sexual Exploitation

Introduction

The types of sexual habits occurring online range from very unusual behaviors to others that are plainly illegal (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Although a considerable amount of literature on sexual abuse of minors occurring and being promoted online is being developed, there is a scarcity of information concerning other internet-based sexual interactions that touch on manufacturing, dissemination, and online viewing of sexual materials (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Common Online Sexual Offenses

This paper focuses on exploration and analysis of different practices including rape videos, sadomasochism leading to body disfigurement, zoophilic, and necrophilia content, with the aim being to reduce the information gap. In addition, the impacts of sexual behavior on clinical and forensic psychiatry as well as legal regulations and ethical considerations are discussed (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Cybercrimes are an enhancement of traditional crimes whose scale is enlarged by computer usage, networks, and other information and communication technology (ICT) development. Although they can occur without ICT, sexual offense against children is one of the most common cyber-enabled crimes (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). A common sexual online offense is child pornography possession and distribution, as well as solicitation of youth for sexual purposes (Bachishin, Hanson & Seto, 2011). This category of online sexual offenses has two common scenarios.

The first scenario involves online grooming, which focuses on the use of online technology to facilitate online and offline sexual contact with minors. While offline grooming takes place in areas where children frequent most—such as parks, shopping centers, and schools—online setups occur in chat rooms, social networking sites, and gaming sites that allow sexual offenders to approach children (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). Some offenders aim at meeting minors through these channels to commit the offense, although the internet limits some sexual interactions to an online environment. This gives offenders an opportunity to fulfill their motivations without risking meeting the child in person (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

The Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre (CEOP) labels this form of abuse as online child sexual exploitation (OCSE), recognizing this abuse whose impacts remain online as opposed to offline (Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre, 2013a). Offenders may pretend to be of a similar age or use threats and blackmail to lure the minor to comply with his or her demands (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

The second case involves children being exposed to indecent images of children (IIOC) generated and distributed by digital technologies. The challenge, however, rests in defining indecency. According to the UK government, IIOC refers to still and moving images as well as pseudo-photographs depicting children as part of sexual exploitation and abuse scenarios (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). The effects of sexual activity and imagery have gained attention due to the unknown physical and psychological effects (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Scope and Scale of Internet Sexual Activity

There is hardly any difference in legal treatment between offenders that groom, make, distribute, and download unlawful images, and those engaged in non-contact online abuse forms, such as encouraging young people to engage in cybersex or watching and exchanging images through webcams. Law requires some internet sexual abusers to restrict themselves to the internet, which can allow for the circumvention of children's protections. CEOP has identified the major threats for sexual exploitation and abuse (Dowling & McGuire, 2014).

Other serious sexual offences are also facilitated online (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). These include human trafficking for sexual purposes using online tools, rape facilitation, prostitution or sex tourism, use of camera phones and webcams to create offensive images, virtual sex offences, and incitement of and conspiracy to commit child offences online (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

Internet users in North America alone number over 270 million, all engaging in different activities. Online services include social networking, educational programs, video streaming both live and recorded, instant and worldwide communications, classified ad posts, and virtual gaming, in addition to all other services. These activities may trigger online sexual activity (OSA). Cybersex (also called cybering, netsex, or mudsex) refers to two people role-playing sexually and may or may not include masturbation (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Sexual fantasy can be carried through texts, live webcam transmissions, or avatar-based multiuser computer games and virtual worlds like Second Life. Some of these games were designed intentionally for cybersex (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Online predatory behaviors, though rare, have been identified through research as a preference for some offenders who favor the online access mode. Additional studies indicate that relating offenders' targeting behavior on social networking sites is a more effective approach compared to locating specific online locations where offences occur (Caroline & Klein, 2014). This approach teaches victims how to protect themselves and report suspicious websites. There exist web forums providing support and advice that do not necessarily encourage criminal acts; however, some pedophile communities explicitly encourage sexual interactions with minors in both virtual and real setups (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Distribution of pornographic materials has existed since the internet's inception, promoting its thriving marketplace. These materials have a wide range in terms of participants, practices, and extent of graphic disclosure. Even though cybersex may involve consenting adults, it sometimes raises significant concerns (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Some of the illegal activities include paid sexual service procurement, sex trafficking, and pornography involving minors. In most states, a minor is defined as any person under the age of 18, although some approve persons over 16. Although attaining the legal age allows one to participate in sexual activities, it remains illegal to showcase such activity online (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Sexual abuse occurring online involves children being groomed and incited to engage in sexual activity such as chats, sexual photo and video generation (Whittle, 2013). In some cases, they may be encouraged to meet offline. Such victims tend to struggle with added complexities, including associating the home with such abuse, images being distributed online, and the situation becoming permanent. This underscores the need to overcome the assumption that non-contact sexual abuse victims are unaffected compared to those suffering through contact sexual abuse. Some of the common abuses come through solicitation that may result in contact abuse (Whittle, 2013).

Other illegal scenarios are depicted by pornographic images gathered without the consent of participants through the use of hidden cameras, and materials depicting brutal bondage, discipline, dominance, submission, masochism, and sadism (BDSM) (Caroline & Klein, 2014). While BDSM may be permitted for consenting adults, some websites show minors highly intoxicated, injured, or hurt (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Real-life events including gang rape, bestiality, rape, and necrophilia—regarding which the United States has no federal laws and varies by state—require careful attention. Additionally, incest and autoerotic asphyxiation content often portray fatalities (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Classifications of Sex Offenders

Studies have compared different sexual internet offenders as well as contact sex offenders (those who commit sexual abuse against minors in person). The focus of such studies is on key variables like self-report psychological assessments of sexual orientation and official records, as well as self-reported history (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013). The general analysis indicates that online offenders can be distinguished from contact offenders due to their lower empathy deficits and less distorted attitudes and beliefs regarding the appropriateness of sexual contact between adults and children (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013).

Although many internet-facilitated child sexual exploitation cases (IF-CSEC) exist (Robert, 2012), very few are reported. A U.S. study indicates that in 2006, only 569 of 1051 cases came through IF-CSEC. Offenders were categorized into two main groups: those that used the internet to purchase or sell children's access for sexual purposes (child pornography production), and those that purchased and sold child pornography images they did not produce themselves (Robert, 2012). Offenders trying to profit commercially have been arrested for sexual or non-sexual offences previously, had violent histories, engaged in child pornography production, and collaborated with other offenders, including women (Robert, 2012).

There is a need to differentiate between online sex offenders, users, and victims of offences. The following are some of the key classifications of offenders:

This category of sexual offenders stands out from offline offenders. These individuals have lower criminal histories than those who commit contact abuse. They can be subdivided into contact-driven subgroups (those who strive to meet the person in person) and fantasy-driven subgroups (those who have no intention to meet offline). Notably, two-thirds of these offenders initiate their first sexual conversation during the first chat encounter.

Child sex offenders found online are usually young, single, living alone, and childless. Another research focus has been on antisocial behaviors and social affective characteristics. Social affective traits refer to emotional development elements that affect one's social functioning or response to the social environment (Caroline & Klein, 2014). These traits can influence a person's social subculture and social interactions. The activities encompassed here involve those falling within the sphere of social participation and integration in line with personality development (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Characteristics include emotional identification, communication and control, emotional self-worth and attachment, self-confidence, loneliness, and social participation.

Online child pornography offenders register lower antisocial variable indicators, such as acting out and breaking social rules, compared to hands-on child molesters. However, social affective characteristics remain similar in both groups (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Victim Characteristics and Trauma

There is a clear distinction between distributors and producers of child pornography. The national juvenile victimization study shows that in internet sexual exploitation of children, there is a difference between offenders seeking profit from production, selling, and distribution of materials, and offenders who act as consumers of the product (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Those who are not producers can be classified as lookers/collectors and distributors. The majority of distribution occurs freely through peer-to-peer file sharing. Most producers are associated with previous arrests and affiliation to other offenders, many of them being female. However, the distinction between producers and distributors is not easily made (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Research on female child pornography consumers is limited, meaning that more research in this area is necessary. A recent study of female users of online child pornography by Speller and Rogers, assessed through personality traits, concluded that female offenders are more likely to be nonwhite (Caroline & Klein, 2014). These offenders also score lower on neuroticism and higher on moral hedonism—the view that moral choices can be determined as either good or bad depending on the greatest pleasure they produce. Female sex offenders may be persuaded by men to participate in online sexual crimes or grooming of children (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Attitudes and allowances that display or trigger sexual violence among adolescents correlate with the development of cybersex addiction in the general population. Cyber violence among adolescents extends to the sexual arena, heightening the probability of teenage gang rape that is filmed and uploaded online (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Victims of indecent images include those who have generated such materials themselves. CEOP suggests that self-generated indecent images (SGII) represent one of the most difficult risks for young people, as indicated by recent rising reports. Out of the 2,293 reported cases made to CEOP in 2011/2012, 22 percent were related to SGII (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). A third of these images were generated by children under the age of 15, with the remaining majority from teenagers. CEOP reports that most of these images were produced without any persuasion and were mainly produced for live one-to-one video chats on websites or through instant messaging apps (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

Sexual offenders use threats to compel their victims to create pictorials of themselves. Additionally, they threaten to leak those SGII to the victim's friends and family. Because of this threat pattern, CEOP has worked hard in the past two years to uncover 184 such cases in the UK (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). Other instances involve offenders enjoying the coercion of forcing their victims to take videos with demeaning writings on their bodies (Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre, 2013). Of the 184 victims, 6 harmed themselves and attempted suicide, and one actually succeeded—an occurrence that raised significant concern (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

Each victim is affected differently, and many of them show considerable strength when dealing with their issues (Whittle, 2013). A number of factors contribute to the outcome of the victim's experience, whether or not they actually experience direct contact-based abuse (Whittle, 2013). The victim's behaviors and coping strategies usually remain relatively normal at the time of ill-treatment except when an immediate removal of the threat is possible (e.g., avoidance as coping). Individuals who have been victims at one point in time stand a higher chance of experiencing psychological stress and trauma compared to one-time victims or those without experience. Such victims are also placed at higher risk of being repeat victims (Whittle, 2013).

Of all the sex offenses that happen online, adolescents are placed at higher risk (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012). The frequent use of the internet by young adults poses a whole new challenge for therapists. Key areas of examination include the following: (a) basic ideas pointing to adolescent's sexual behavior in relation to the psychological characteristics of the internet, (b) the origin of internet sex addiction in adolescents, and (c) how the online sexual addiction of adolescents can be prevented or treated (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012). The impact of the internet on families and society and the role that the media plays in adolescent's lives is a conclusion that therapists cannot afford to overlook (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012).

Offender Profiles and Risk Factors

The media influences adolescents to engage in sexual activities by contradicting parental and school advice, leaving them in a difficult position (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012). Addictive behavior emerges when adolescents are exposed to explicit movies, which results in adolescents seeking outlets to express their feelings. If this exposure continues, addiction can develop (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012).

Risky sexual behaviors may also emerge when the boundary between adolescents and parents is widened (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012). Among the many factors that contribute to addictive sexual behaviors are less monitoring and guidance from parents, excess trust, lack of family closeness, lack of warmth and support from family members, and dysfunctional behaviors within the adolescent's family (Baharudin & Zakaria, 2012).

According to Dowling & McGuire (2013), many researchers have worked to establish the profile of offenders who produce and distribute IIOC images. Of a total of 633 men sentenced for IIOC offences, 80 percent were guilty of making and taking such images. Moreover, they were around 39 years old and either single or divorced at the time of interview (Henry et al., 2010). Additional information revealed that 93 percent made images and also consumed other images of the same kind, implying that viewers and generators are closely related (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

Forensic and Clinical Assessment Considerations

In 2012, CEOP undertook research on offenders guilty of both possessing IIOC images and having contact sex with a minor (Dowling & McGuire, 2013). A total of 97 case studies from 34 UK police forces comprised the study sample. Results revealed that the majority were unemployed white males between 19 and 45 years old. Among the minority who were employed, they either worked in schools as caregivers, were manual laborers, or worked in manufacturing industries. More than half of them were married with children or lived with a partner (Dowling & McGuire, 2013).

Research on this topic continues to develop new aspects of complication. Most information used in relation to sex offences is obtained via undercover operations. Involved parties include a secret agent pretending to be a child who tries to maintain contact with an offender. The two either exchange sexually explicit material or agree to meet at a mutual place. The study of sexual offenses has proven technically difficult for clinicians when it comes to identifying behaviors causing problems and making clinical decisions. The client's online behaviors and actions should not be used as the sole basis for making clinical evaluations.

Criminal justice cases related to online sexual offences involving children are increasingly on the rise. Because of this, many questions have emerged from the public and professionals regarding the relationship between how online sexual material involving children is used and the commission of contact child sex offences (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013). The growing number of offenders on the internet and the increasing population of persons in contact with sexual offences is also a matter of concern within the criminal justice field. Terminologies used to refer to online/offline offenders are "dual," "cross-over," or "mixed" (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013).

According to the criminal justice system, one is termed a "mixed offender" when they possess three of the following routes or characteristics: First, having a history of committing a contact offense is reason enough to be a suspect or having the ability to commit more internet offences. Second, having a history of an internet offense also serves as a factor in detecting potential future contact offences. Third, an individual may be held as a suspect for committing both internet and contact offences simultaneously, regardless of their offense history (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013).

However, all these categorizations used by the criminal justice system are not factually or logically proven. They may not give a true picture of the individual's actions and intentions because they are based merely on official outcomes (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013).

The child's internet behaviors and those of the potential victim may be evaluated by conducting routine checkups of their online practices. Once this is done, various factors that create risk for vulnerability to online sexual offences may be identified. Such revelations may include choice of avatar, outward sexual disclosure on less secure channels, and agreements for online encounters (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Screening of an adult's online practices may also provide information on whether a child is suffering from abuse—an act that should be done regardless of the person's historical sex offense record. It is therefore the duty of clinicians to ensure they implement very efficient therapies, reports, and prevention measures (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Conclusion

Various risk factors must be taken into consideration by forensic psychiatrists when evaluating cases concerning online sexual misbehavior (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Variables such as history, closeness to potential victims, planning, and substance abuse should serve as clear indicators for an act of offense or repeated offences (Caroline & Klein, 2014). Most often, the same websites provide platforms or opportunities for offenders to become involved or be at risk of cross-over or otherwise perform sexual offences in reality. The spread of online cross-over offending in the real world has not, however, been well documented. Clear attention must be given to the availability of materials retrieved online when a victim of online sexual abuse is being evaluated. In addition, the risk of future vulnerability must be prevented by considering the online and offline behavioral engagements of the victim (Caroline & Klein, 2014).

Research has assisted in understanding the major traits that characterize offenders with both contact and internet sex behaviors (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013). These offenders show similarities with internet-only offenders in self-report tests as opposed to contact-only offenders. They also show evidence of suffering from an inability to manage their emotions compared to the other two groups (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013). These conclusions raise considerable doubt rather than conviction. This calls for more research to be undertaken to establish how individuals in the three mixed-offense categories are mentally affected by immediate internet use. Other areas requiring research include how the internet affects their ability to control themselves emotionally (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013). In order to help this particular population that is not well represented, mixed offenders might require treatment and assessment techniques that incorporate internet-specific elements (Elliott, Beech & Norden, 2013).